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Member of the Holland Society of Sciences, of the Society of Arts and Sciences 
of Utrecht, of the American Philosophical Society, Sec. 


VOL. I. 




Fry and Kammever, Printers. 




»#*#*** BE IT REMEMBERED, That on the twentieth 

*L. S.* day of May in the thirty -sixth year of the Indepen- 

»♦##*## dence of the United States of America, A. D. 1812, 

Thomas Dobson, of the said district, hath deposited in this office 

the title of a book, the right whereof he claims as proprietor, in 

the words following to wit: 

"The History of North Carolina. By Hugh Williamson, M. D. 
LL<D. Member of the Holland Society of Sciences, of the 
Society of Arts and Sciences of Utrecht, of the American 
Philosophical Society, &c. In two volumes. Vol. I." 

In conformity to the act of the Congress of the United States, 
intituled, " An act for the encouragement of learning, by secu- 
ring the copies of maps, charts and books, to the authors and 
proprietors of such copies during the times therein mentioned.'* 
And also to the act, entitled, " An act supplementary to an act, 
entitled, ' An act for the encouragement of learning, by secu- 
ring the copies of maps, charts, and books, to the authors and 
proprietors of such copies during the times therein mentioned,' 
and extending the benefits thereof to the arts of designing, en- 
graving, and etching historical and other prints." 

Clerk of the district of Pennsylvania 


AN collecting materials for the history 
of North Carolina, little information could 
be obtained from any accounts that have 
been published, of the British colonies, 
or either of them. Hackluyt, Purchass. 
and other ancient writers, have been suf- 
ficiently minute in describing the first 
discoveries, and the attempts that were 
made to form settlements on different 
parts of the continent: but no writer has 
treated, with any attention, of the pro- 
gress of colonization or the civil history 
of North Carolina, from the time in which 
the first permanent settlements were 
formed in that country. vTynn, Oldmixon, 
and others, who wrote of Carolina, have 
done little more than name the northern 
province: their attention was chiefly en- 


gaged by South Carolina. Such were the 
effects of a good port and a large town, 
where the commerce of the province cen- 
tered, the produce was shipped, and the 
principal inhabitants usually resided. My 
information has chiefly been taken from 
public records, and from letter books, or 
other manuscripts in the possession of 
ancient families. 

The books that contain the proceedings 
of the governor's council, the journals of 
the legislative assembly, and other docu- 
ments that remain in all the public offi- 
ces in the state, have been consulted. 
Information, little to be expected from 
such records, has also been obtained from 
dockets of the supreme courts. Extracts 
of laws that were never printed, powers 
of attorney, copies of affidavits, and much 
heterogeneous matter, were inserted in 
those dockets, in the infant state of the 
colony, beside a general abstract of the 


pleadings. The late C. Pollock, was pleas- 
ed to favour me with the letter book of 
his ancestor, who had been thirty years 
deputy to one of the lords proprietors, 
and governed the province, at different 
periods, as president of the council. I am 
also indebted to the letter book of Alex- 
ander Spotswood, who was lieutenant go- 
vernor of Virginia, near the beginning 
of the eighteenth century. General Wad- 
dell, who deservedly possessed the confi- 
dence of Governor Dobbs and governor 
Tryon, used to preserve every letter and 
instruction directed to him, while he serv- 
ed the province in a civil or military ca- 
pacity. His descendents, in the most 
obliging manner, were pleased to send 
me all the documents of a public nature, 
that had been found in his cabinet. I have 
received much information, on detached 
subjects, from some of the most ancient 
and respectable citizens in the state, who 
continue to serve the country, and from 


others who have lately been numhered 
with the great majority. 

A gentleman, from Bern in Switzer- 
land, had the goodness to furnish me with 
a large file of letters, in a corrupt German 
language, written hy the Baron de Graf- 
fenried, respecting Carolina. 

Of the debates that have arisen be- 
tween the several governors and the le- 
gislative assemblies, and the disputes be- 
tween the proprietary agents and the peo- 
ple, I was furnished with copious details. 
If I had been disposed to record disputes 
that originated in pride, resentment, the 
spirit of party, avarice or a dishonest 
temper, I might have swelled this work 
to a considerable bulk. Such details of 
follies and vices cannot be interesting. 
Some papers however, will be found 
among the Proofs and Explanations, that 
Jiad no claim to being copied, except that 


occasional specimens may be acceptable, 
as they help to illustrate the manners 
and spirit of the times. 

There are chasms in the journals, and 
records remaining in the secretary's of- 
fice, that were obviously occasioned by 
public commotions. Those defects would 
have been most conveniently supplied, 
by reference to records in a public office 
in London. Much research became neces- 
sary, to supply, as far as possible, those 
accidental defects. The governors lived, 
and the assemblies met, at so many 
places, that ancient records are greatly 
scattered. Copies of instructions to the 
governors are sometimes entered on the 
journals of the councils; but copies are 
missing of some laws that have not been 
printed. Mr. Chalmers in his " Annals 
of the United Colonies," availed himself 
of the papers that are in the plantation 
office. He promised a continuance of 
vol. i. b 


those annals. It was a ministerial work, 
written during the revolution war; and 
the apparent ohject was to prove that the 
colonists had no claim to being exempted 
from taxation by the British parliament. 
But that question being settled, by the 
treaty of peace, the further labors of Mr. 
Chalmers, in that field, were not required. 
As I wished to get a copy of certain 
papers, that come under the Carolina 
head, I hoped, for the reason stated, that 
Mr. Chalmers, who was employed as a 
clerk in a public office, would furnish my 
friend with a copy, or assist him in ob- 
taining one. He would do neither; but 
threatened to interfere, if application 
should be made to the head of the proper 

It was known that John Archdale, for- 
merly a proprietor and governor of Ca- 
rolina, had published some account of the 
province, in the year 1707; but that book 


is not to be purchased in London. A gen- 
tleman who had formed a library, con- 
sisting of every publication respecting 
American affairs, or visits made by Brit- 
ish subjects to other parts of the world, 
gave that library to ' ; the Society for pro- 
pagating the gospel in foreign parts." 
The library, to save storage, was removed 
to Gresham college; but the librarian 
died and the books were dispersed. Mr. 
Archdale's work, and sundry other publica- 
tions of that period, are only to be found 
at present in the British museum. Doc- 
tor, Romayne, who ten years ago was in 
London, in the most obliging manner 
caused copies to be made of all the valu- 
able information, that is contained in 
Mr. Archdale's work, or in two other 
small books, respecting North Carolina, 
that were published about the end of the 
seventeenth century. Those copies he 
sent me. 


The natural history of Carolina, or an 
account of its animal, vegetable, and fos- 
sil productions, would form of itself a 
work of considerable magnitude; but this 
is less desired by the inhabitants of the 
state, who rather wish to know what were 
the difficulties under which their ances- 
tors struggled, and the steps by which 
the colony attained its present rank 
among the states. 

I have confined myself to this part of 
the history, although it was the less 
pleasing task; for it is a history of disas- 
ters, misrule, and oppression; a more 
constant succession of grievances, than 
fell to the lot of any other colony. 

Having observed that some military 
transactions in the southern states, du- 
ring the revolution war, had not been cor- 
rectly detailed, and finding much reason 
to complain, that North Carolina had not 

PREFACE. xiii 

obtained, from any writer, the credit she 
deserved for her exertions on that occa- 
sion, I proposed to bring the history of 
the state down to the year 1790, and 
had collected materials for that purpose. 
But considering that the history of the 
province may be acceptable to many 
people, who are less solicitous about 
late military transactions, which continue 
to live in the memory; considering also 
that the extent or value of the services 
rendered by North Carolina cannot be 
fairly estimated, without taking a general 
view of the other military operations du- 
ring the war, an arduous work, I desisted 
from my original plan. 

A copy of this history was prepared; 
many years ago; but I was not in haste, 
for sundry reasons, to send it to the 
press. In case I had been called away, 
the publication, as I thought, might have 
been trusted with great safety to my 


oldest son: a young man, whose moral 
and christian virtues, could not be prais- 
ed above his merits. But it pleased his 
heavenly Father lately to remove him to 
" a house not made with hands." In this 
case I deemed it proper to have the work 
published without further delay. 

New York, June, 1812. 



Different nations attempt to form settlements in the coun- 
try, now called Carolina — A general view of the origi- 
nal colonists. — Columbus made his discoveries at a 
fortunate period. — Former adventurers to America are 
little known. — The original discoverers of North and 
South America are equally forgotten. — Adventurers 
from different nations succeed Columbus. — John Cabot, 
in the service of Henry the Seventh, explores the 
coast. — Ponce de Leon, in the service of Spain, dis- 
covers Florida. — Verezano, in the service of France, 
discovers Carolina. — A colony of French Huguenots 
attempt a settlement in Carolina, but are destroyed by 
the Spaniards. Their Spanish executioners are destroy- 
ed also, - - - - - Page 1 


Walter Raleigh obtains a patent for planting in North 
America, and sends a colony to take possession. — 
They land to the westward of Cape Hatteras. — They 
trade in a friendly manner with the Indians. — Returned 


home they make a favorable report of the country. — 
Raleigh sends out a second colony, who insult the na- 
tives, and settle on Roanoke island. — The governor ex- 
plores the country and searches for gold. — His progress 
is checked by the natives. — An Indian chief meditates 
the destruction of the colony. — His schemes are dis- 
covered and he is killed. — The colony is visited by Sir 
Francis Drake, with whom they return to England. — 
A third colony arrives, and a few of them remain to 
keep possession of the country, but are destroyed. — 
A fourth colony is sent out with orders to enter by 
Chesapeak bay. — They are landed at the former inlet, 
and compelled to settle on Roanoke island, by the per- 
fidy of a mariner. — They send their governor to En- 
gland to solicit supplies.— Some years elapse, by reason 
of the Spanish war, before the governor returns, and 
when returned he could not find the colony. — Raleigh 
in the mean time, assigns to a company in London, the 
right of trading to Virginia, and attempts in vain to dis- 
cover the colony. — The first emigrants were bad plan- 
ters, ._----- £5 


King James grants to other persons the lands that had 
been granted to Raleigh. — A colony arrives in Chesa- 
peak bay, and settles near the mouth of James' river. — 
The spirit of jealousy and discord pervade the colo- 
ny. — Captain Smith fortunately becomes governor, but 


he is taken prisoner by the Indians.— His life is saved 
by Pocahontas the emperor's daughter. — The London 
company send out more colonists, who are idle and 
turbulent. — A small settlement is formed near the 
head of Nansamond river. — The whole colony is nearly 
destroyed by intemperance. — More adventurers come 
out. — The emperor's daughter is married to one of the 
colonists. — A new settlement is formed on Nansa- 
mond. — Virginia becomes a regal government. — Peo- 
ple who are driven from the old settlement by intole- 
rant laws, remove to the waters of Albemarle sound, 
and purchase land from the Indians, - - 67 


A charter is granted by Charles the Second, to eight 
lords and gentlemen, for part of the country that had 
been called Virginia The new province is called Ca- 
rolina. — A government is formed for the settlers near 
Albemarle sound. — Another government is formed for 
settlers on Clarendon river, near Cape Pear. — Drum- 
mond is appointed governor of Albemarle county. — Peo- 
ple are encouraged to settle by liberal promises. — The 
first settlers on Clarendon river are driven off by the 
Indians. — They are replaced by a colony from Barba- 
does, of whom sir John Yeamans is made the gover- 
nor. — The tenure of land in Albemarle is improved by 

a new charter. — A colony settles at Port Royal A 

new and impracticable form of government is project- 
Vol. I. c 

xviii CONTENTS. 

ed for Carolina — Charleston becomes the seat of 
government for the southern colony. — Stevens is ap- 
pointed governor of Albemarle. — Laws are made to 
encourage population. — Miller, a turbulent man, is sent 
to Virginia, to be tried for seditious practices. — Cart- 
wright is appointed governor of Albemarle He re- 
tires, and Eastchurch, then in England, is appointed 
governor of the county, and Miller his deputy. — Mil- 
ler rigidly discharging his duty, is imprisoned by the 
advice of a factious demagogue. — The rioters seize 
the treasury, and assume the government. — East- 
church arriving, is not permitted to exercise the go- 
vernment. — He dies before he can raise troops to 
subdue the insurgents. — The rioters appeal to the pro- 
prietors with fictitious complaints. — Their leader is ar- 
rested in England and tried, 88 


Sothel, a proprietor, is appointed governor. — Harvey is 
deputy governor. — Sothel, on his passage to Carolina, 
is taken prisoner by the Algerines — Jenkins admin- 
isters the government. — The colony is distracted by 
anarchy and violence. — Sothel arrives in Carolina, and 
becomes a scourge to the colony. — He is compelled to 
resign the government. — The number of colonists de- 
creases greatly, by the continuance of anarchy. — Lud- 
well, a proprietor and governor, attempts the redress 
of grievances. — Archdale, a proprietor, is appointed 
governor of the province. — He restores order to the 


colonies. — Walker becomes president of the council. — 
Cary is made deputy governor. — Settlements are form- 
ed to the southward of Albemarle. — Payments are 
made in country produce, instead of cash, at fixed 
prices. — The laws are not printed. — There was no re- 
ligious establishment for many years.— .Glover admin- 
isters the government, as president of the council. — 
Cary resists the government, by an armed force. — 
Hyde is appointed governor — Cary's partisans are 
dispersed, - - - - 135 

A colony of French huguenots settle on Trent river.—- 
A colony of persecuted and distressed Palatines settle 
at Newbern.— The Indians have decreased greatly, 
since the arrival of the first colonists. — As the settle- 
ments extend, the Indians become more jealous.— 
The Indians seize Lawson the surveyor general, and 
Graffenried. — They put Lawson to death — The In- 
dians attempt a general massacre, and destroy many 
of the Inhabitants. — An Indian war becomes general. — 
Some Indians are killed; and a shameful peace is made 
by the commanding officer. — Pollock, as president of 
the council, administers the government.— The In- 
dians renew the war. — Another army marches against 
them. — Eight hundred Indians are made prisoners; 
and the Indians sue for peace. — The colony is greatly 
reduced by Cary's rebellion, and the Indian war, I 78 


Page 41, line 9th, for Oceam, read Occam. 

68, 17th, for twenty-fourth, read the twenty -fourth, 

85, 7th, for Matrovers, read Matravers. 


Page 18, , 19th, for or, read on. 
55, 4th, for S. read Gr. 

80, 4th, for Bloden, read Bladen, 

96, 2lst, for Bertil, read Bertie. 
for Tyrnel, read Tyrrel. 
142, 3rd, for crown, read Craven. 






JM O permanent settlement was formed, 
in any part of North America, for many 
years after it had been discovered. The 
coast was explored by adventurers from 
different nations, and the country was 
claimed by the several princes to whom 

VOL. T. A 


they severally belonged, but one disaster 
or another prevented either of the claim- 
ants, from keeping possession. Sir Walter 
Raleigh was the first adventurer, who at- 
tempted to plant an English colony upon 
this continent. His attempts did not suc- 
ceed according to his zeal and expecta- 
tions; for his ships found no safety in 
the waters of North Carolina; but he 
gave rise to a spirit of enterprise and 
an extensive knowledge of the country. 
Other bays and rivers were discovered, 
and colonies were planted in the vicinity 
of better harbours, where they might 
take root in safety. Many years after 
Carolina had been discovered, after one 
colony and another had been expelled 
or destroyed, after settlements had been 
formed in other districts to the north- 
ward, some industrious people, removing 
from a stubborn soil or from the tyranny 
of unequal laws, seated themselves upon 
the waters of Albemarle sound; 'upon the 


waters first explored by Sir Walter Ra- 
leigh, and among the natives. When a 
colony had sprung up in this manner, a 
charter was obtained, by sundry lords 
and gentlemen, for a large tract of coun- 
try, including the soil and seigniory. The 
province was then called by its present 

The adventures of small parties of ci- 
vilized men among savage tribes in the 
wilderness, cannot be very interesting 
to the reader; but as the first English 
colony, that visited this continent, seat- 
ed themselves upon Roanoke island in 
North Carolina, it may be expected 
that, in giving the history of this pro- 
vince, we should give a detail of the se- 
veral incidents that led to its perfect es- 
tablishment. By looking back to the first 
discovery of this country, and taking 
a short view of the attempts that were 
made, by different nations, to keep it in 


their possession, we shall be enabled to 
form a proper estimate of the difficulties 
that presented themselves to the first co- 
lonists; and we shall the better under- 
stand, in what manner the province was 
eventually settled. 

It will hardly he disputed that America 
had been visited once and again, by peo- 
ple from Asia and Europe, before the age 
of Columbus; though none of the former 
adventurers have acquired celebrity by 
their achievements. There was a coin- 
cidence of fortunate circumstances, that 
caused the discoveries of Columbus to be 
regarded as miraculous, and prosecuted 
with a degree of zeal, little short of en- 
thusiasm. The use of the magnetic com- 
pass had lately been discovered in Eu- 
rope; and the spirit of navigation and 
commercial enterprise was cherished, at 
that epoch, by means unknown to former 
generations. The nations of Europe were 


just emerging from a state of ignorance 
and barbarity; for the art of printing bad 
lately been invented; and men, who had 
long been exercised in the destructive art 
of war, began to wish for some more 
useful employment. If Columbus was not 
the first adventurer, who returned to his 
own country, he was probably the first 
who returned with specimens of gold 
and other precious articles, which never 
fail to excite cupidity. The Tartars, who 
migrated by an easy passage to the west- 
ern coast of North America, may have 
communicated for many years with their 
native country; but there was nothing se- 
ductive in the appearance of the land 
they had discovered. It was chiefly re- 
commended by plentiful game for the 
support of indolence; and it was a refuge 
from domestic troubles. 

Those adventurers, whoever they may 
have been, whether more or less mime- 

6 the history en- 

rolls, had not any great object in view; 
and their history is buried in the dark 
vale of oblivion. 

" Ignotis perierunt mortibus illi." 

The names of princes, true or fabulous, 
who first established governments in dif- 
ferent parts of the other continent, may 
be traced from ancient records; but small 
as the empires, or rude as the nations may 
have been, who are thus recorded in his- 
tory, we constantly find that other people, 
whose origin is not discovered, had been 
living in each of those countries before 
such governments were established. The 
first adventurers to America are not more 
completely sunk in obscurity than the 
first settlers in the greater part of Af- 
rica, Asia, and Europe. The eastern coast 
of North America was visited by Erick 
a Norwegian, near one thousand years 
ago; but he was not the first hardy ad- 


venturer, who discovered that country.* 
He found a race of savages there. High 
northern or southern latitudes are hadly 
fitted to cultivation; nor do they abound 
in the most desirable game. People, who 
live in such climates, must be chiefly 
supported by the gifts of the ocean. For 
it is known that fish abound in high 
latitudes; and the natives of cold cli- 
mates, by living on the water, in quest 
of food, are observed to acquire habits 
that are nearly amphibious. 

It is not strange that America should 
have been frequently visited by such 
people, since it is not far distant from 
either shore of the other continent; but 
the history of those visits could not be the 
subject of public attention. The discovery 
of a few wild grapesf did not excite the 

* See Proofs and Explanations^ A. 
t See Proofs and Explanations, B. 


avarice of Eriek's cotemporaries, nor of 
those who had gone hefore him; and the 
furs, in which they dealt, were found in 
all high latitudes. The first navigators, 
who discovered South America, were not 
less enterprising than Columhus. Those 
men sailed to a country at three times 
the distance;* but they had fewer won- 
ders to relate. They had not discovered a 
new race of men, for wild beasts were 
the only inhabitants; nor could they tell, 
that the earth teemed with silver and 
gold; for those treasures had not been 
opened. Whoever those adventurers may 
have been; however great their genius 
and enterprise; they have fallen a prey to 
dumb forgetfulness. They wanted letters 
or historians to preserve their fame. The 
wisdom of Solon, and the virtues of 
Scipio, have been celebrated by many a 
pen, while the founders of greater em- 

* See Proofs and Explanations, B. 


pires and greater conquerors, have pass- 
ed away like evening meteors. 

« Full many a gem of purest ray serene, 
The dark unfathom'd caves of ocean bear." 

The visit of Columbus was made at 
a fortunate period; and it was made to a 
country that promised ease and riches. 
The first adventurers to a new country 
have seldom discovered any thing more 
tempting than a subject for industry, or a 
field for labour; but Columbus had disco- 
vered a country that was already settled; 
and the plunder of the natives might 
produce war without hazard, and wealth 
without labour. 

After Columbus had tendered his ser T 
vices to Genoa his native country, to Por- 
tugal, and to Spain, without success, he 
sent his brother Bartholomew with a 
tender of his services to the king of 
England; but his brother suffered ship- 

vol. I. b 


wreck on his passage; and some years 
elapsed before he made his application to 
Henry the seventh. That prince cannot 
be said to have countenanced the project; 
for he gave no proofs of his approbation 
before Christopher had sailed on his se- 
cond expedition to America. The world 
is indebted to the benevolence, the gene- 
rosity and liberal sentiments of a woman, 
for one of the most useful discoveries 
that ever was made. A discovery that has 
already given birth to millions, who are 
the most prosperous, and should be, if 
they duly estimated their advantages, the 
most happy of the human race. We are 
indebted to Isabella of Spain for the ex- 
pedition of Christopher Columbus. Her 
husband Ferdinand, the king, would not 
countenance the measure; and she pledg- 
ed her jewels to procure the necessary 


If the princes in Europe, who had little 
money or limited conceptions, were deaf 
to the proposals of Columbus when he 
offered his services to search for a new 
country, thos<- very princes, after he had 
made the discovery, seem to have been 
equally solicitous to obtain a share in 
the profits. The English, the French, and 
Portuguese, were ready to assist the Span- 
iards in reaping the golden harvest: the 
Spaniards alone had the fortune, I shall 
not call it good fortune, to pitch upon the 
chief sources of silver and gold. 

Christopher Columbus discovered one 
of the Bahama islands, now called Cat* 
island, the eleventh of October 1492. 
After visiting Cuba and Hispaniola, he 
returned to Spain. 

John Cabot, a Venetian in the service of 
Henry the seventh, sailed from Bristol in 
the year 1496, with four ships, in quest 


of land to the westward.* Lest he should 
interfere with the claims of Spain, he 
held a northern course. In that direction 
he discovered Newfoundland and the 
northern part of this continent; which he 
traced, from a high degree of latitude, 
until he came to the thirty eighth; from 
which he returned to England,t his pro- 
visions failing. Henry did not think fit 
to prosecute those discoveries; and many 
years elapsed before other attempts were 
made, by English subjects, in America. 

Florida was discovered in the year 
1502, by an accident that would be class- 
ed among fables, not with correct history, 

* Bacon's History of Henry the Seventh. 

t It is fully ascertained that John Cabot carried over 
the turkey from America. That bird, before his time had 
not been known in any part of the old continent. The 
French then called it, with some propriety, as they con- 
tinue to call it, coq d'Indie, the cock from India; for Ame- 


if the foibles and follies of men did not 
compel us to believe many other stories 
equally at variance with nature and sense. 
The diligent and persevering search for 
the philosopher's stone, had long been 
the opprobrium of chemistry; and many 
a visionary at this hour continues in 
chase of the perpetual motion: a thing 
impossible in nature. It had been report- 
ed, a few years after the discovery of 
America, that there was a fountain in 
Bimini, one of the Bahama islands, that 
had the marvellous and happy power of 
restoring youth and vigor to aged per- 
sons, who should bathe in its waters. Jean 
Ponce de Leon, a wealthy but aged in- 
habitant of Porto Rico, believed the 
story, and sailed in quest of the grand 
restorative. Stretching to the westward, 
he discovered land in March, the sabbath 

rica at first was called West India. The English alone 
whimsically called the bird a turkey. 


before Easter, which the Spaniards call 
Pasqua de Mores; for which reason he 
called the country Florida. Ponce de Leon 
dipped himself in every stream or foun- 
tain that he saw. No brahman or mahom- 
edan could match him in ablutions; but 
he returned an older man. Failing in his 
attempts to recover youth, he resolved 
to increase his wealth, at the expense 
of the natives. For this purpose he ob- 
tained a commission, by which he Avas 
authorized to conquer and govern the 
country he had discovered. In the year 
1513 he arrived on the coast of Florida 
with a considerable body of men; but in 
a short time he sustained a furious at- 
tack by the Indians, in which the greater 
part of his troops were cut off. With the 
survivors he arrived in Cuba. Those ad<- 
ventures of Ponce de Leon were sup- 
posed to vest, in the crown of Spain, a 
sufficient claim to all the country that 
was then called Florida. 


John de Verezano, a Florentine in the 
service of Francis the first, sailed from 
Britanny, in January 1524, to make dis- 
coveries in America. He touched the 
continent near the thirtieth degree of 
north latitude, and called the country 
Mocosa; taking possession of it in the 
name of the king of France. He stretch- 
ed along the coast to the northward, 
touched at Sandy Hook and Rhodeisland, 
and left the coast near the fiftieth de- 
gree of latitude. He died on his return 
to France; and his discoveries were not 
prosecuted for many years: they served 
nevertheless as the foundation of the 
claims of France to a considerable part 
of this continent. 

The misfortunes of Ponce de Leon, 
and of Lucas d'Aillon, a subsequent 
governor, whose men were cut off nearly 
in the same manner, did not prevent 
the Spaniards from making further at^ 


tempts on the coast of Florida. Fer- 
dinand de Soto landed there in May 
1539, with six hundred men, and two 
hundred horses. This adventurer had 
served with Pizarro in South America, 
and shared in the spoils of Peru. He 
came in quest of gold, not with any de- 
sign to plant a colony. From the coast 
of Florida he travelled to the westward, 
and passed the second winter among 
the Chickesaw Indians, who had the ad- 
dress to get some of his horses. From 
the Chickesaw country, he crossed the 
Mississippi, and continuing his researches 
to the westward, he died upon Red 
Biver. The remains of his army escaped 
by the Mississippi, in small vessels of 
their own construction. Such was the 
issue of the first visits that were made 
on the coast of Florida, which included 
Georgia and Carolina. No attempt had 
been made to establish a colony, nor 
had any Spanish adventurer in that age 


reconciled himself to the thoughts of 
labour. Their object was gold, which 
was to be acquired by plundering the 
natives, or by the labour of those unfortu- 
nate people when reduced to slavery. 

When the controversy in France be- 
tween the Huguenots and Catholics had 
become serious, admiral Coligni, who 
was of the reformed church, turned his 
attention towards North America, as a 
future asylum, in case of necessity, for a 
persecuted sect. In pursuit of that ob- 
ject, he despatched captain Ribault with 
two ships, and every thing necessary for 
planting a colony. That officer, finding a 
good harbour, landed at Port Royal, that 
now belongs to South Carolina, where he 
built a place of defence and returned to 
France, leaving twenty or thirty men to 
keep possession of the country; but they 
also returned to France the next year. 
Coligni prevailed on the king, in the 

vol. i. c 


year 1564, to fit out three other ships 
under the command of Laudonnier, who 
had formerly sailed with Ribault. The 
Indians expressed great joy at his ar- 
rival. He built a new fort which he call- 
ed Charles, sent back the ships, and re- 
tained one hundred men, with whom he 
explored the country, and began to plant. 
But his people, impatient of labour like 
all the first adventurers, discovered a 
gold mine, as they alleged, by art ma- 
gical, and compelled him to dig for the 
precious metal. This officer, being unable 
to govern a seditious colony, and greatly 
distressed by the want of pro sons, pre- 
pared to leave the country about the first 
of August 156 5; but he was prevented 
by the arrival of Ribault, who brought 
troops and planters, with their wives and 
children. Ribault had been appointed go- 
vernor of the colony; but his administra- 
tion was of short continuance: for the colo- 
ny was entirely composed of Huguenots; 


and Philip the second, of Spain, had resolv- 
ed, that a colony of heretics should not 
take root in America. Don Pedro Melan- 
des, a bigot not less cruel and intolerant 
than his master, was appointed governor 
of Florida. This officer arrived on the 
coast with three hundred soldiers and 
twenty-six hundred planters. They seem 
to have been the first Spanish adven- 
turers in that region, who had any 
thoughts of agriculture. They landed 
at an inlet, a few miles to the southward 
of Fort Charles. Ribault, very impru- 
dently, embarked in the month of Sep- 
tember with his best troops to attack 
the Spaniards. He was overtaken the 
next day by a storm, that proved fa- 
tal to ships and men. A few days after 
that disaster, the Spaniards, coming by 
land to the fort, assailed it sword in 
hand. Laudonnier made a gallant de- 
fence, but was overpowered by num- 
bers $ and the fort was taken. While the 


Spaniards were diverted by plunder, that 
officer escaped with eighteen or twenty 
men, in a small vessel that lay in the 
harbour. The rest of the garrison, with 
all the women and children, were put to 
the sword,* except fifteen, who were hung 
on the nearest trees. Lest it should be 
unknown, that so many executions had 
been caused by a spirit that was falsely 
called religion, the following inscription 
was found near the bones of those un- 
fortunate victims: 

" They were hung as Lutherans, not as Frenchmen." 

Justice, though she often halts in her 
pace, was not long in overtaking these 
merciless bigots. Guerges of Gascony,f 

* In a petition to king Charles of France, by some of the 
widows and children of the men who fell on that occasion, 
the number massacred is said to have been nine hundred. 

t Guerges had formerly served with distinction in Italy 
against the Spaniards, by whom he was taken prisoner, 
and compelled to work as a slave on board a galley. The 


a private gentleman, in the true spirit 
of chivalry, fitted out three ships at his 
own expense, and sailed in quest of Me- 
landes and his companions with one hun- 
dred and fifty soldiers and eighty sea- 
men. He entered a small harbour, fifteen 
leagues to the northward of Port Royal, 
about the middle of April 1568. The 
Spaniards, after repairing Fort Charles, 
had erected two other forts on the same 
river, at two or three miles distance, 
The old fort was garrisoned by one hun- 
dred and sixty men, and each of the 
new forts by seventy men. Guerges was 
accompanied by a man who had served 
with Laudonnier, and proved to be a 
useful interpreter. The Indians were 
taught the object of the expedition; and 

vessel in which he served was taken by the Turks, and 
retaken by the knights of Malta, by whom he was set at 
liberty. From that time he followed the sea, and became 
an expert navigator. 


they tendered their services with the ut- 
most alacrity.; for the cruelty of the 
Spaniards had excited universal indig- 
nation. Guerges surprised one of the 
small forts at the dawn of day, and put 
all the garrison, except fifteen, to death. 
Pursuing his success while the panic 
was strong, he attacked the other small 
fort, and took it by storm. This garrison 
was also put to the sword, except fifteen, 
who were reserved for the gibbet. The 
old fort was strong and well provided. 
To attack such a garrison as it contain- 
ed, with an inferior number of regular 
troops, was a hazardous enterprise. The 
Indians were not ignorant of the danger. 
One of their chiefs told Guerges, as they 
advanced towards the fort, that he ex- 
pected to fall in battle, but he confided 
that the captain would give his wife the 
presents intended for him. In that case 
she would be enabled to celebrate his 
death; and he would be welcome in the 


land of spirits. Fame and fear had mag- 
nified the number of French combatants. 
As they drew near the fort, the Spanish 
governor detached fifty men to recon- 
noitre. Their retreat was cut off by strat- 
agem; and they were put to death. The 
troops in the fort, panic-struck by that 
execution, fled to the woods; but the 
woods were filled with hostile Indians. 
Death was inevitable. They returned 
and surrendered. Fifteen of this garrison 
were also reserved for the gibbet; the 
rest were put to the sword. Near the 
graves of the men thus retaliated on, 
there was set up an inscription to in- 
form posterity that 

" They were hung as Traitors, Robbers and Murderers, 
not as Spaniards or mariners." 

Having destroyed the fort, Guerges 
brought off the plunder, and arrived at 
Eochelle in June. If the courage of that 
Gascon had been vtempered with hu- 


manity, his zeal and patriotism would 
have entitled him to lasting honours. 

The pretensions of France and Spain 
to the possession of Carolina, at this pe- 
riod, were nearly alike. The greater 
part of America was claimed by Spain, 
because an officer in the service of that 
government had discovered three or 
four islands and a small part of the con- 
tinent. France claimed Carolina, because 
two or three mariners in the service of 
that government had surveyed the coast, 
and given names to some rivers and 
bays. Both nations had attempted to 
form settlements in the country; and 
they had both been disappointed. In a 
few years we shall find another claimant. 



WE have seen that Newfoundland and 
a considerable part of the continent were 
discovered at an early period, by Cabot, 
in the service of Henry the Seventh; but 
that prince did not think fit to prosecute 
those discoveries. Not that Henry was 
less desirous than other monarchs to ex- 
tend his empire or increase his trea- 
sures; for he acquired wealth, On sundry 
occasions, by fraudulent means. But Ca- 
bot had found no evidence of riches 
among the Indians. He had seen neither 
gold nor silver among the numerous 
tribes who lived near the coast; and 
Henry was not willing to expend his 

vol. i. n 


own treasures with the distant hope of 
increasing commerce and enriching his 
subjects. It happened that Portugal was 
extending her discoveries and commerce 
to the eastward, along the coast of Af- 
rica, at the very period in which Ame- 
rica was discovered by Columbus. In 
that case, it was not improbable, that 
the claims of those nations might in- 
terfere; for Portugal had obtained an ex- 
tensive grant from the pope of Rome. 
To prevent any possible interference, 
his holiness, who doubtless had the same 
right to bestow earthly kingdoms as seats 
in paradise, was pleased to limit his 
grant to Portugal, by such lands as they 
should discover to the eastward of a cer- 
tain meridian, passing through the At- 
lantic. He gave the king of Spain all that 
he should discover to the westward of 
that line. Henry the Seventh may have 
desisted from American discoveries, lest 
he should interfere with the Spanish 


monarch, whose friendship he cultivated, 
and whose daughter he sought in mar- 
riage for his eldest son. It may he recol- 
lected, that his successor, Henry the 
Eighth, employed much of his time in 
the gratification of his passions; and his 
immediate successors, Edward and Mary, 
paid little attention to foreign objects. 
The comprehensive mind of queen 
Elizabeth cherished every project, by 
which her navy might be strengthen- 
ed and her commerce extended; neither 
did she fear or flatter the king of Spain. 
In the year 1579 she was pleased to 
grant a patent to sir Humphrey Gil- 
bert, by which he was authorized to 
search for and discover remote heathen- 
ish and barbarous lands; to settle, for- 
tify and govern the same. Having ob- 
tained that patent, sir Humphrey sailed 
directly for Newfoundland; but he re- 
turned without forming any settlement. 
He was accompanied on that expedi- 


tion by sir Walter Raleigh, who was 
his half-brother. He sailed a second 
time for Newfoundland in the year 1583; 
and Raleigh, in the ardent spirit of ad- 
venture, sailed with him in another ship. 
But a malignant fever breaking out, in 
a few days, on board that ship, Raleigh 
was obliged to return. Gilbert arrived 
in Newfoundland; but he was lost on 
his return to England, and his projects 

Sir Walter Raleigh, not discouraged 
by the misfortunes of his brother, re- 
solved to attempt a colony in the new 
world. But the inhospitable island that 
he had seen was not the object of his 
ambition: he proposed to plant in a 
warmer climate on the continent. Ra- 
leigh had served the queen of Navarre a 
considerable time, in France. On that 
occasion he became acquainted with all 
the discoveries that had been made by 


French or Spanish adventurers, on the 
southern coast; and the claims or pro- 
jects of Coligni, the only adventurer he 
could respect, were buried with himself 
in the dust. He obtained a patent, in 
March 1584, for such lands as he should 
discover, not in the possession of any 
christian prince or people.* It was pro- 
vided by the patent, that no settlement 
should be formed, by any other person, 
within two hundred leagues of the place 
or places, which he might cause to be 
settled within six years. The grant was 
very extensive; and lie took care that it 
should not be forfeited by delay. In little 
more than four weeks he despatched two 
small vessels, under the command of expert 
mariners, to take possession of the coun- 
try. They touched at the Canary islands 
and the West Indies in their passage. 

"•See Abstract C. 


This was originally deemed to be the 
proper course to North America, for the 
benefit of the trade winds.* They got 
soundings the second of July; and stretch- 
ing to the northward, under an easy sail, 
they cast anchor the fourth of Julyf in 
the mouth of an inlet, which they took 
for a river. After returning thanks for 
a safe passage, they took possession of 
the country for queen Elizabeth. The 
land was sandy; but every tree and shrub 
was loaded with grapes; and the low 
ground was covered with tall cedars. 

* It has been observed that the northwest winds pre- 
vailed on the coast of North America, when the first co- 
lonies were planted, more than they do at present, nearly 
as three to one; therefore the passages from Europe, in 
high latitudes, at that period, were usually very long. 

t They sailed 27th of April 1584. They touched at the 
Canaries 4th of May, at the West Indies 10th of June, 
and landed in North Carolina the 4th of July. This has 
become a memorable day in the United States. 


They soon discovered that they were 
on an island about twenty miles long, 
which the Indians called Wokokon. On 
the third day after their arrival, three of 
the natives, for the first time, appeared 
on the beach and received some pre- 
sents. On the following day, forty or 
fifty Indians approached the ships. They 
left their canoes at a small distance in 
a cove, and presented themselves on the 
beach. Granganimo the sachem was 
among those Indians: his rank appeared 
by his deportment. He took his seat 
upon a long mat; and four of his chief 
men seated themselves upon the other 
end of the mat. The rest of the Indians 
stood at a respectful distance. The mas- 
ters of the ships landed, with some of 
their people, in arms. The prince made 
them signs to seat themselves near him. 
He then touched his head and breast, 
and afterwards touched theirs, to signify 
his desire of mutual confidence and 


friendship; and he made a long speech, 
which they wished in vain to understand. 
They gave him sundry presents, which 
he received thankfully; and they gave 
presents to the officers who attended 
him, but the prince took the whole to 
himself. On the next day, a profitable 
trade was opened with the natives. 
Twenty skins, to the value of twenty 
crowns, were purchased for a tin dish, 
and other articles in proportion. After 
some days, Granganimo introduced his 
wife and some of his children. She was 
ornamented with strings of pearls, and 
wore a cloak and apron of skins dressed 
in the fur. When the ships had been 
some time at their anchorage, one of 
the captains, with seven or eight of the 
adventurers, proceeded in a boat towards 
Hoanoke island, where they arrived the 
next day. On the north end of the island 
there was a small town, consisting of 
eight or ten houses, built of cedar and 


surrounded with palisades, for defence 
against an enemy. Granganimo lived in 
that town. He was not at home; but the 
untaught civility of his wife left the cap- 
tain and his company nothing to desire. 
She ordered her people to carry them 
ashore on their backs. Their boat was 
drawn up, and their oars secured. She 
placed her guests by the fire to dry their 
clothes; for it was raining. Some of her 
women washed their stockings; and 
others washed their feet. Their clothes 
being dry, she conducted them into an- 
other apartment and gave them a plenti- 
ful dinner, consisting of roasted venison, 
hommony, fish, melons and sundry fruits. 
They used earthen pots and wooden 
dishes. While the strangers were at 
dinner, two Indians entered the house 
with their bows and arrows. The white 
men looked towards their arms. The 
princess did not wait for any further re- 
monstrance. The Indians were turned 
VOL. t. e 


out; and their bows were broken. She in- 
treated her guests to stay all night in 
the palace; but they launched their boat 
and dropped a grapnel at some distance 
from the shore. She observed, with marks 
of grief, that she had not gained their 
confidence; but she pressed them no 
further. Their supper was sent to the 
boat; and they were supplied with mats 
as a defence from the rain. Thirty or 
forty men and an equal number of wo- 
men were directed to watch near them, 
all night, on the beach. 

The particulars of this visit have been 
detailed, because the conduct of that wo- 
man is a correct portrait of the female 
character, and a specimen of that atten- 
tion which the stranger and the afflicted 
may expect to receive from, women in 
every part of the world. 


Having finished their trade, and taken 
a short view of the country, those adven r 
turers returned to England about the 
middle of September, taking two Indians 
with them.* 

This visit, as we have seen, terminated 
in the most friendly manner. The parties 
had been equally disposed to acts of 
kindness; and they seem to have thought 
well of one another. There was nothing 
in the conduct of the English that could 
excite jealousy or suspicion. Their num- 
ber was small; and their conduct was 
inoffensive. They vieAved the country, 
but were not suspected of a design to 
seize it and destroy the inhabitants. In 
this case, nothing appeared in the con- 
duct of the natives, but a species of hos- 

* One of those Indians named Manteo continued to be 
faithfully attached to the colonists, and became a useful 


pitality, that is common to men seldom 
visited by strangers and little attached to 
property. In a short time, the Indians 
had occasion to change their opinion con- 
cerning the object of the strangers; and 
the white men had equal reason to 
change their opinion concerning the in- 
nocence and simplicity of the natives. 

"When we consider the manner in 
which travellers usually speak of things 
they have seen in a distant country, we 
cannot wonder that the expectations of 
people in England were exceedingly 
raised, by the report of those adven- 
turers. The fragrant and delicious smell 
of the country had arrested the pas- 
sengers, before they were in sight of 
land. The woods were filled with game. 
Every bush was loaded with grapes, 
a sight not common in England. A 
savage could fill his canoe with fish, in 
two or three hours, in the sound. The 


natives were hospitable and inoffensive. 
Pearls were found in abundance; and 
there was reason to expect much gold. 
Such was the report. The country was 
a paradise, in which every sense was 
gratified. Queen Elizabeth was greatly 
pleased with this valuable addition to 
her dominions. The new country was 
called Virginia, a name by which her 
majesty was flattered; and every part 
of this continent, claimed by the En- 
glish, was called by that name for many 
years. In a short time after the return 
of those ships, Raleigh was elected a 
member of parliament for Devonshire. 
He was also knighted by the queen; and 
his patent was confirmed by an act of 

Seven ships were immediately pre- 
pared for a second expedition* under 

* The Tiger of 140 tons, Roebuck 140, Lion 100, 



the orders of Ralph Lane and sir Richard 
Granville. This little squadron reached 
the coast in July,* and dropped their 
anchors, without the har, at Wokokon. 
Governor Lane, sir Richard Granville, 
and fifty or sixty other officers and men, 
immediately crossed the sound to ex- 
plore the country. They discovered an 
Indian town near the mouth of Pamptico 
river, and another town near the mouth 
of Neus; from which they directed their 
course to Socotan,f where they were ci- 
villy entertained hy Wingina, the brother 
of Granganimo. From Socotan, some of 
the boats proceeded, by the shortest 
course, to Wokokon: but Granville with 
the other boats returned to Aquascosack, 
a town on the waters of Neus, to demand a 

Elizabeth 50, Dorothea a small bark, and two small 

* Twenty sixth July, 1585. 

t Socotan was near the present site of Beaufort. 


silver cup that had heen stolen from him, 
when he visited that town on his late 
circuit. The cup was not restored ac- 
cording to promise; and the Indians, 
apprehending danger, fled to the woods: 
upon which their town was burned and 
their corn destroyed. This was the first 
act of hostility; and it proved to be the 
plentiful source of calamity. We are not 
surprised at such instances of tyranny. 
It is common for the strong to insult 
the weak; but it is strange that men 
should not be instructed by the nume- 
rous cases of deadly revenge that have 
been taken by unarmed savages. One of 
the most accomplished mariners of the 
present age, while he was attempting 
to recover a boat of little value in an 
arbitrary manner, fell by the hands of 
naked men. He must be weak indeed, 
whose revenge may not be dangerous. 
The passionate and rash conduct of sir 
Richard Granville cost the nation many 


a life. The fair beginning of a hopeful 
colony was obscured, it was nearly de- 
feated, by resenting the loss of a silver 
cup. Towards the last of August sir 
Richard sailed for England, having pro- 
mised to return in the spring. Most of 
the other ships had sailed before him. 
Their chief lading was red cedar, sas- 
safras and peltry. The new colony had 
settled on Roanoke island; and, though 
they were one hundred and seven in 
number, there had not been, on the first 
of September, a single instance of sick- 
ness among them. Governor Lane was 
diligently employed, during the autumn 
and winter, in exploring the country. He 
visited the Chesopians, on Elizabeth 
river; formed a league with the Mora- 
tucks, on Hoanoke river; and visited the 
Chowanokes, a powerful tribe. The dis- 
coveries of that officer cannot be under- 
stood by their original names; for every 
thing is changed, except the name of a 


small island. Rivers and sounds have lost 
their Indian names; inlets have changed 
their position; and the Indian trihes are 
exterminated. Hatorask was the name of a 
small inlet, a little to the westward of Cape 
Hatteras. The land, adjoining the cape, was 
called Paquewock. The second inlet, to 
the westward of the cape, was called 
Occam; and there was a third inlet, a few 
miles to the eastward of the present Oca- 
coke, that was called Wokokon. The sec- 
tion of the bank that lay between Oceam 
and Wokokon was called Croatoan; and 
the point of main land, now called Cro- 
atan, was called Dasamonquipo. Roanoke 
river was Moratock; Albemarle sound 
was Weapomiock; and Chowan was Cho- 
wanoke. This river gave its name to a 
numerous tribe. All the Indians, who 
lived on the eastern waters of Albemarle, 
were called Weapomiocks; but the sub- 
divisions of this tribe were called by the 
vol» r. F 


several rivers on which they lived. Okis- 
ko was their chief. 

The conduct of governor Lane cannot 
be deemed instructive, except by show- 
ing us what we should not do; for he 
attempted every thing among the sava- 
ges by force, nothing by persuasion; 
hence it followed, that while he was pur- 
suing his researches in the interior, a 
powerful confederacy was formed against 
him near the coast. Granganimo, who 
had been a friendly chief, died in the 
spring; upon which, his brother Wingina 
succeeded to the government of his sub- 
jects, and removed from Socotan to the 
mouth of Albemarle sound. This chief 
had never expressed any attachment to 
the adventurers; but their late impru- 
dent and despotic measures had made 
him a determined enemy. While the go- 
vernor tarried among the Chowanokes, 
their king, Monatenon, was very desirous 


of being relieved from such a visiter. 
He described a powerful king to the 
northward who lived upon an island.* 
Many of his subjects lived near the sea; 
and pearls were plenty in his dominions. 
He referred to the waters of Chesapeak. 
The distance, as he alleged, was not 
more than three days' journey; and he 
offered guides, if the governor should be 
disposed to make that king a visit. But 
pearls were not the object of this adven- 
turer. He was in search of gold. The 
river Roanoke was then described as 
the certain road to great discoveries. 
Moratock river was said to rise thirty or 
forty days' journey above the town of 
that name, from a great rock; and that 
rock was so near the ocean that salt wa- 
ter was dashed across it by every storm, 
so as to injure the fresh water in the 

* An island in James's river. 


river. Skiko, the son of Monatenon, as- 
sured the governor, that there were 
valuable copper mines on the river, as 
he had been informed by other Indians, 
for he had not travelled so far. The ore 
yielded two fifths of pure copper, as they 
alleged, not so red or hard as the copper 
from Europe. The governor was confi- 
dent that he had now discovered the 
South sea. Of the copper there could not 
be any doubt; though he rather conceived 
that gold was the metal they described, 
from its being washed down by torrents. 
He resolved to go in quest of those trea- 
sures. By a strange abuse of power, the 
governor had seized Monatenon and held 
him prisoner in the midst of his own 
subjects- That sachem could bring three 
thousand bowmen into the field. When 
Lane determined to ascend the Roanoke, 
he liberated Monatenon, but made his 
son Skiko a prisoner. As the governor 
was not acquainted with the navigation 


of the river, he sent to the coast for a 
pilot; and Wingina was enabled, by that 
incident, to expose him to danger. He 
privately informed the Moratock and 
Mangoaek Indians that Lane intended 
to destroy them. They believed the story, 
and removed their families and corn 
from the banks of the river. The gover- 
nor ascended the river with two boats 
and forty men; but he suffered in a short 
time by the want of provisions; for he 
had expected to get a supply from the 
natives. He did not see an Indian for 
three days; but his people would not re- 
turn. The Moratock Indians had fled; 
but they confided that they should make 
some of the Mangoacks prisoners, who 
must be ransomed by a good supply of 
provisions. The calls of hunger were 
stifled by the more powerful thirst of 
gold. On the evening of the third day, 
some Indians, from the river bank, called 
Manteo, and began to sing. Manteo put 


on his armour; and a shower of arrows 
taught the governor that he was among 
his enemies. He landed and pursued the 
Indians, in vain, until it was dark. On 
the next morning he descended the river. 
In the course of that day, he reached 
Cheponock, the present site of Edenton. 
The Indians of that town had also fled; 
but he got a supply of fish in their wears. 
On the next day he arrived at Roanoke 

While Lane was engaged in his ro- 
mantic expedition, searching for gold 
and the Pacific ocean, it had been report- 
ed that he was killed by the Mangoack 
Indians. Wingina believed the story, and 
resolved to destroy the colony, by re- 
moving his people from the island and 
neglecting to plant corn; but the return 
of the governor, with Skiko his prisoner, 
who was the son of a powerful prince, 
made a temporary change in his projects. 


He suffered his people to set wears and 
plant corn. This favourable appearance 
was increased by the conduct of Monate- 
non, who ordered Okisko, a subordinate 
prince, to do homage to queen Elizabeth. 
This homage, by twenty four captains in 
behalf of their chief, produced the sem- 
blance of respect in the conduct of those 
Indians before whom it was performed. 
But Wingina, a dark and dangerous ene- 
my, in the meantime was preparing for 
a tragical adventure. The claim of hom- 
age, by a distant potentate, had no ten- 
dency to gain his esteem or quiet his 
fears. This prince, who trusted more to 
artifice than strength, made preparations, 
as he alleged, to celebrate his father's 
death in a splendid manner. The Man- 
doacks from Currituck, the Chesopians 
and the Weapomiacks, were invited to 
attend the festival; and fifteen hundred 
warriors, of those tribes, assembled at 
Dasamonquipo, the tenth of June. Twen- 


ty or thirty of the bravest men were 
instructed to set Lane's house on fire by 
night; it was covered with reeds. The 
governor would turn out, as they expect- 
ed without his arms, to escape the flames; 
and the bravoes were to put him to 
death. The flame of the houses was to 
be a signal to the Indians at the point, 
who were to cross in their canoes and 
destroy the colony. With all these pre- 
parations, Wingina had doubts concern- 
ing the issue of his project. He appre- 
hended that the white men, collected 
together, might prove too strong for his 
auxiliaries; therefore he caused all the 
fish wears to be destroyed; and his people 
were instructed not to sell any corn. In 
consequence of those measures, the co- 
lonists were scattered abroad in quest 
of food. vVingina remained at the point; 
but some of his associates had crossed 
to the island, to take the lead in the 
projected massacre. The cloud was ready 


to burst on the heads of the devoted 
colony, when Skiko, the brave and gene- 
rous son of Monatenon, disclosed the 
dangerous secret. Upon this discovery 
Lane began to plot in his turn. He sent 
a messenger to Wingina, informing him 
that he proposed going to Croatoan, on 
the'following day, to look for ships that 
were expected on the coast; that he 
should call upon him in the morning, 
to get some corn, and people to assist 
him in catching fish. He destroyed the 
canoes of the visiting Indians in the 
night, and killed some of those people. 
In the morning he called upon Wingina, 
.who was attended by six or eight of his 
chiefs; for they had not heard of the 
disaster in their island. They were all 
put to death. The colony in that manner 
escaped destruction; but their fears did 
not subside. Sir Richard Granville, who 
promised to return in the spring, had 

VOL. T. g 


not arrived; but a messenger from Groa- 
toan gave notice that sir Francis Drake 
was on the coast. He had been instructed, 
to visit the colony on his return from 
an expedition against the Spanish West 
Indies. The admiral cast anchor in the 
open road; for no large vessel had 
hitherto crossed the bar. He supplied 
the colony with a bark of seventy tons, 
and four months' provisions for one hun- 
dred men. He furnished them also with 
two pinnaces and a sufficient number of 
able seamen; but the bark, with the 
men and provisions on board, was driven 
to sea in a storm. She did not return. 
The admiral offered another vessel of 
double the size, with a good commander 
and a sufficient supply of provisions; but 
the ship could not be put into a place of 
safety; and the colonists, whose spirits 
were broken by disappointments and 
dangers, without fortitude and without 


resources, returned to England in the 

A ship of one hundred tons, loaded 
with stores, arrived on the coast a few 
days after the fleet had sailed; but the 
master returned to England, as he found 
no remains of the colony. About a fort- 
night after his departure sir Richard 
Granville arrived at Hattorask with three 
ships. Not finding the storeship, nor 
any traces of the colony, except empty 
houses; and being unwilling to abandon 
the country, he landed fifteen men with 
provisions for two years, and left the 
coast. Sir Richard was a military man; 
his ships were armed; and he was more 
disposed, and much better calculated, 
for prosecuting war than cultivating the 
arts of peace in a young colony. 

* They sailed 19th June, 1586. 


Not discouraged by repeated disap- 
pointments, sir Walter adhered to his 
original plan. He fitted out three vessels, 
the next spring,* and took other mea- 
sures for making a permanent settle- 
ment. The chiefs of the new colony were 
incorporated, by the title of " The gover- 
nor and assistants, of the city of Raleigh, 
in Virginia;" f and they obtained all the 
prerogatives, jurisdictions, royalties, and 
privileges, that had been granted to sir 
Waiter by the queen. Women and chil- 
dren came out with those adventurers; 
and they were instructed to call at the 
West Indies for cattle and fruit trees. 


f No city was built or founded by those unfortunate 
men; but the legislature of North Carolina, after a lapse 
of two hundred years, in grateful remembrance of the man 
who was the parent of the British colonies in America, 
and planted the first colony in North Carolina, called their 
seat of government by his name. 


From his improved knowledge of the 
country, sir Walter had reason to con- 
fide, that a colony might now he planted 
in safety. Governor Lane had discovered 
the mouth of Chesapeak hay; and sir 
Walter gave particular instructions to 
the colony, not to settle at Roanoke 
island, hut proceed to the waters of 
Chesapeak, where they might build a city 
on the bank of some river, and detain 
one or two of their vessels to be em- 
ployed in collecting provisions and keep- 
ing the Indians in check. The officers 
were instructed to call at Roanoke, and 
take off the men left there by sir Richard 
Granville. The largest ship, on this ex- 
pedition, was commanded by Simon Fer- 
nando, who had been twice on the coast 
of Carolina as a pilot. The projects of 
a great man, the hopes of a nation, and 
the lives of many innocent people, were 
blasted together by the perfidy of that 
contemptible mariner. His origin is not 


stated,* nor do we know that he was 
bribed bj the Spaniards, though he was 
in habits of friendship with the governor 
of Hispaniola; but every step he took, 
on that expedition, was marked with a 
design to defeat the colony. The parties 
interested, by a fatal mistake, had not 
the power of controlling him. The vessels 
stopped on their passage at Santa Cruz;- 
but Fernando would not stop at Hispa- 
niola, for salt or live stock, although he 
passed in sight of the island. This was 
a second disappointment; for he had put 
into a bay on the coast of Portugal, 
where he left one of the vessels in dis- 
tress. The ship and pinnace arrived at 
Hattorask the twenty-second of July. 
White, the governor, with fifty good men 
embarked in the pinnace to search for 
the men that had been left on Roanoke 
island; but they were no sooner under 
weigh, than the seamen were ordered by 
Fernando not to bring back the planters 


nor any person except the governor and 
two or three of his friends; for he intend- 
ed to sail immediately for England. The 
governor remonstrated against those or- 
ders in vain; for the sailors were under 
the command of Fernando. The party 
landed that evening on Roanoke island, 
where the former adventurers had con- 
structed a fort. The houses left by those 
people were repaired; and the colonists 
were cheered, in a few days, by the ar- 
rival of the vessel that had been left in 
distress. Six days after their arrival, one 
of the assistants was killed by the In- 
dians, while he was fishing, at a small 
distance from his companions. An of- 
ficer was sent to Croatoan, in company 
with Manteo, to inquire the fate of those 
men, who had been left by sir Richard 
Granville; but he got no intelligence ex- 
cept that they fled in their boat, after 
one of them had been killed by the na- 
tives. The governor sent a messenger 


to the Indians at Dasamonquipo, lately 
commanded by Wingina, to signify his 
desire of treating for peace; but they 
fled from their town, instead of treating 
as they had promised. Every step, taken 
by those people, was marked by a spirit 
of deadly hostility. 

The ships being ready to sail, gover- 
nor White was entreated by the planters 
to return to England, that he might so- 
licit their affairs.* He was not inatten- 
tive to his friends in the colony. Ships 

* Governor White, on his return to England, touched 
at a port in Ireland, where he is believed to have left the 
potatoe that thrives so well in high latitudes, though it 
cannot resist intense cold. It is said that the potatoe has 
been found near the coast in Carolina. Certain it is that 
the yam has lately been found in its uncultivated state in 
the woods near Edenton. Roots of this kind cannot be 
numerous where hogs are numerous, as they have been 
for one hundred years in Carolina. 


were prepared and ready to sail the next 
spring, with more planters and sufficient 
supplies; hut that expedition was sus- 
pended, with many other private con- 
cerns, hy the Spanish armada, that threat- 
ened to subvert the English government. 
Two armed vessels were nevertheless 
despatched from Biddeford, with provi- 
sions; hut they were driven back by the 

Sir Walter Raleigh had now expended 
forty thousand pounds sterling, in his 
attempts to settle a colony; and he was 
not relieved by any returns from Ame- 
rica; for the profits of trade fell into the 
hands of other people. The privilege of 
trading to Virginia was nevertheless 
deemed, by mercantile men, to be a de- 
sirable object. In that case, it was natu- 
ral to confide, that the spirit of com- 
merce would preserve an intercourse 

VOL. I. h 


with the new discoveries, until a colony 
should he established there. Under these 
impressions, sir Walter assigned to Tho- 
mas Smith of London and his associates, 
the privilege of trading to Virginia, and 
continuing the colony there; reserving 
only, to himself, one fifth part of the gold 
and silver they should discover.* He en- 
gaged also to confirm to them all the 
privileges he had granted to the colony, 
then settled on Roanoke island. In the 
mean time, he continued his endeavours 
to relieve the colony; for he could not 
trust the philanthropy of a mercantile 
company, who would rather 'confine their 
speculations to dies apeak bay, than trust 
their ships in an open road, near Cape 
Hatter as. 

* The assignment was made 7th March 1589. 


After the defeat of the great armada, 
many adventurers were prepared to cruise 
against the Spanish commerce in the 
West Indies. Three privateers, fitted at 
Bristol, by the same owner, were ready 
to sail: but they were prevented by a fur- 
ther embargo. Sir Walter obtained a spe- 
cial permit for the sailing of those 
privateers; it being provided, that the 
owner should bind himself, under the 
penalty of three thousand pounds, to 
carry governor White and a number of 
planters, with their furniture, to the new 
settlement in Virginia. The pass being 
obtained, before the bond was executed, 
the ships were despatched, without a 
single passenger, except governor White 
and his servant. After taking some 
prizes in the West Indies, one of the 
privateers, stretching to the northward, 
cast anchor in five fathoms water, off 
Roanoke inlet. Governor While, landing 


with a small party, did not find a single 
man on the island. The houses in the 
old town were destroyed; but the place 
was fortified with palisades of large 
trees, curtains, and flankers. Part of 
the works are seen at this day. The 
planters had talked of making a settle- 
ment near the head of Albemarle sound; 
but they promised to inscribe, on a tree, 
the name of the place to which they 
should remove; cutting a cross, over the in- 
scription, in case of being pressed by any 
calamity. The word Croatoan was carved 
in capitals, upon a post, at the entrance 
of the fort, without a cross. Within the 
fort were bars of iron and pigs of lead, 
nearly overgrown by weeds; but the 
pinnace was not found, nor the small 
piece of artillery, that had been left with 
the colonists. The commanding officer 
expressed his willingness to sail for 
Croatoan; but the wind being at north- 
east, he lost his best anchor in heaving 


up. He dropped another anchor; hut it 
tlid not hold, and he slipped the cable 
in order to clear the land. The wind 
shifting in a few hours to the northwest, 
he changed his plan and directed his 
course for England. 

Other vessels were sent, year after 
year, by sir Walter Raleigh, for the sole 
purpose of relieving the colony:* but 
the commanders do not appear, in a sin- 
gle instance, to have seen Roanoke island. 
They sought their private emolument in 
pursuit of other objects, and returned to 
England with trifling excuses. 

It may appear strange to some of us, 
who were born in America, that Raleigh 

* The colony that was left on Roanoke island consisted 
of ninety-one men and seventeen women, beside two 
childern of Dare and Harvie, who were born in the island. 


should have found so much difficulty m 
forming a settlement. One colony after 
another returned to England, because 
they could not maintain themselves on 
the sea-coast in Carolina. One hundred 
men, after they had been ten months in 
the country, were in danger of starving, 
unless the Indians had supplied them 
with corn and fish. It will appear more 
remarkable, that seven eighths of a sub- 
sequent colony should have perished in 
six months, by the want of a constant 
supply of provisions, after part of them 
had lived three years in the country. 
Of nine thousand emigrants, who arrived 
in Virginia in the space of twenty years, 
not more than two thousand were alive 
at the end of that period. 

" Tantae molis erat 
conclere gentem." 

"We have seen the states of Kentucky 
and Tennessee spring out of the wilder- 


ness in a few years; and we know with 
how much ease our fellow-citizens can 
plant a new country. They clear land and 
raise corn enough, in four or five months, 
to make themselves independent. In case 
of necessity, they can support themselves 
by a gun, while the corn is growing. 
Great allowance is doubtless to be made 
for the description of men, who first 
came over. They were not accustomed 
to the use of a gun, nor were they trained 
to labour. But the misfortunes of those 
people may chiefly be traced from the 
spirit of the times. The mind of man, 
like his body, is subject to epidemical 
complaints. There have been instances, 
not a few, in which great bodies of men 
have been so much disordered in their 
minds, in reference to a particular sub- 
ject, that they seemed to be perfectly 
insane. Not to mention the cases of 
insanity, that frequently appear in small 
societies, it may be recollected that the 


British nation, or a considerable part 
of them, enriched themselves for several 
months with the froth of the South sea. 
The French nation, in equal contempt 
of reason, amused themselves for a con- 
siderable time in dancing after a Missis- 
sippi bubble; and the Hollander exchan- 
ged industry, economy, and commerce, for 
the shadow of a spotted tulip. When 
we say that the minds of those people 
suffered a temporary derangement, we 
put the most favourable construction 
upon their conduct. Many people in Eu- 
rope, after the discovery of America, 
seem to have laboured under a similar 
species of insanity. They dreamt of no- 
thing, they expected to find nothing, in 
the new world, but prodigies and won- 
ders. The rapacious Spaniard had ex- 
torted much gold and silver from the 
helpless natives; hence it was presum- 
ed that gold and silver abounded in 
America, as iron, marie, or fossile coals 


abound in the other continent. They 
needed only the mattock or spade of a 
digger. The first adventurers, to a man, 
came out in quest of the precious metals; 
and they suffered many hardships before 
their golden dreams had vanished, or 
before they could reconcile themselves 
to the thoughts of labour. When they be- 
gan to work, they did it without skill; 
and many years elapsed before they ac- 
quired the simple art of cultivating 
Indian corn. We have lately seen a small 
French colony, on the Ohio, distressed 
for several years, before they could sup- 
port themselves, though they had the 
advice and example of American farmers. 
After all allowance has been made for 
the description of men who first came 
over, and the circumstances under which 
they settled, I think it probable, that 
the native white American is more am- 
bidextrous; that he has a greater ver- 

VOL. I. I 

66 THE HISTORY, fec^ 

satility of genius, and can more readily 
turn himself to all the necessary de- 
mands of life, than the native of the 
other continent. 



AFTER the death of queen Elizabeth, 
sir Walter Raleigh could neither obtain 
favour nor justice at court. He was not 
fitted to the times. His enterprising and 
military spirit excited the fears of James 
the First, who was a vain pusillanimous 
prince. In the short space of eight 
months Raleigh was disgraced, arrested, 
tried,* and condemned, at the instance 
of his sovereign. 

* He was accused of having confederated with the 
fords Gray, Cobham, and others in a plot for placing 
Arabella Stuart on the throne. That lady was related to 


As the lands that lately were disco- 
vered in Virginia had become the object 
of great expectation, sundry lords and 
gentlemen, in London, prayed the king 
that he would give them a title to the 
new country. In consequence of that 
petition sir Thomas Gates, sir George 
Sommers, and others, were incorporated 
with liberty to form a plantation in any 
part of Virginia, between the thirty-fourth 
and forty-first degrees of north latitude. 
Another patent was granted, at the same 
time, to a company in Bristol and the 
west of England, to form a settlement in 
a higher latitude. A second charter, en- 
larging and explaining the first, was 
granted to the London company, twenty- 
fourth of May, 1606, who were very 
numerous. This company sent out a 

king James, by the Lenox family, and was equally de* 
scended from Henry the Seventh. 


small colony the next spring, who arriv- 
ed in Chesapeak about the first of May. 
They were to be governed by a presi- 
dent and council, who were vested with 
legislative power. This little colony was 
distracted with the baneful spirit of dis- 
cord, from the day in which they sailed. 
They arrested captain Smith on the pas- 
sage, upon a charge of intending to 
murder the council and make himself 
king. The personal merits of that officer 
had excited the jealousy of those worth- 
less adventurers. He was the only intel- 
ligent, brave, and deserving officer who 
had embarked in that enterprise. He had 
formerly served against the Turks and 
acquired reputation by his valor. The 
names of seven men, chosen by the com- 
pany to form a council, had been inclosed 
in a sealed cover, that was not to be 
opened before they arrived in Virginia, 
When the seals were broken, it appeared 
that Smith was a member of the coun r 


cil; but lie was not suffered to act in that 
capacity. He was ordered up the bay to 
Explore the country. Upon his return, 
he demanded a trial; and being fully ac- 
quitted, he took his seat in council. The 
witnesses, adduced against him, accused 
the persons who suborned them; and 
Wingfield the president, being the most 
guilty, was ordered to pay him two hun- 
dred pounds. The shipping departed for 
England in June, taking as usual a cargo 
of cedar, sassafras and other wood. One 
hundred and eight persons were left in 
the country; and fifty of that number 
died before winter* The survivors were 
preserved by the prudence and diligence 
of captain Smith, who, by a strange re- 
verse of fortune, had obtained the go- 
vernment of the colony. Wingfield and 
Kendal, two of the council, had b^en con- 
victed of embezzling the stores, and de- 
graded; others had sailed for England, 
and some were dead. The government of 


the colony rested upon Smith and Mar- 
tin; but Smith was the only man of bu- 
siness. In one of his excursions, during 
the winter, in quest of corn, Smith was 
surrounded by the Indians and taken 
prisoner. They knew his rank, and con- 
ducted him to Powhatan the emperor. 
That man had thirty subordinate and 
tributary kings. He had a body guard of 
two hundred men, and lived in great 
barbaric splendor. He was some days 
consulting what should be done with 
Smith. He resolved at length to put him 
to death. A great stone, for this purpose, 
was placed on the floor; and the execu- 
tioners were to beat out his brains with 
clubs. At the instant in which his head 
was laid on the stone, Pocahontas, the 
favourite child of the emperor, who was 
in her thirteenth year, flew to the pris- 
oner, clasped his neck and covered his 
head by her own. Persuasions were in- 
effectual; for nothing but force could 


remove her. The emperor was greatly 
affected by an incident so little expected 
in the presence of all his nobles. He 
paused and yielded to the intreaties of 
his daughter. Smith was detained some 
weeks, as an ingenious artist, to work 
in the palace; but the emperor, being in- 
formed of the wonderful effects of a 
grindstone, and the more astonishing 
effects of a cannon, Smith was liberated 
under the promise of sending from James- 
town, the seat of the colony, a grindstone 
and two pieces of ordnance. When he 
arrived at the fort, he delivered the can- 
non, according to his promise; but the 
Indians were greatly disappointed in 
not being able to carry them. The grind- 
stone was portable; and the messengers 
were dismissed, well pleased with pre- 
sents that Smith sent to the emperor 
and his women. The detention of the 
president, a few weeks longer, must 
have proved fatal to the colony; for he 


found them on his return, in a state of 
anarchy and confusion; the strongest 
party being ready to escape in their 
bark. By the arrival of a store ship, in 
the spring, those mutinous and discon- 
tented people were governed, for a few 
months, with less trouble. In the begin- 
ning of winter, when the leaves had 
fallen, the president despatched a hardy 
woodman to the Chowanoke Indians, un- 
der the pretence of sending presents to 
their king; but his object was to inquire 
for the Roanoke colony. He sent two 
other men to the Mangoacks, on the 
river Nottoway; but they returned, as the 
other had done, without any information 
except that the white people were all 

The London Company, not satisfied 
with the returns they had received from 
Virginia, applied for another charter, 
which they obtained, with more ample 

vol. r. k 


powers.* In consequence of the new char- 
ter, in which many lords and gentlemen 
of great influence were named, such a 
spring was given to the affairs of the 
company, that five hundred adventurers 
came out the same year. Lord Delaware 
was appointed governor of the colony* 
sir Thomas Gates and sir George Sum- 
mers being lieutenant governor and ad- 
miral. These gentlemen were authorized 
to discharge the duties of governor until 
lord Delaware should arrive; but coming 
out together, they had the misfortune 
to suffer shipwreck on the islands of 
Bermudas. The new adventurers, in con- 
sequence of that disaster, being a profli- 
gate set, without prudence, industry or 
any knowledge of business, in a short 
time had fallen into a state of general 
confusion. Captain Smith, in that case, 

* It was dated May, 1 609. 


with the hope of saving the colony, re- 
sumed the command, alleging that his 
power had not been legally suspended. 
His task was difficult; but he adopted 
the best expedient for ruling such dis- 
orderly people: he divided them. One 
hundred and twenty were detached to 
form a settlement on Nansamond river, 
and the same number to the falls of 
James river. 

As the president, after some time, was 
returning from the falls, fire by some 
accident was conveyed to his powder- 
horn, while he was asleep in the boat; 
and he suffered greatly by the explosion. 
In consequence of his wounds he was 
obliged to sail for England; and the colony 
was again reduced to the verge of de- 
struction by ignorance, indolence, and 
intemperance. A succession of twenty 
presidents, who attempted to govern, in 
the space of a few months, is a sufficient 


indication of the character of those peo- 
ple. They consumed their provisions by 
riot and dissipation; but they had not 
sufficient address to get a supply from 
the natives. Of five hundred persons, who 
were left in the province by captain 
Smith, not more than sixty were alive 
at the end of six months, including wo- 
men and children. Sir Thomas Gates and 
sir George Summers, having built two 
small barks in Bermuda, arrived at James- 
town about the middle of May: and the 
wretched remains of the colony embark- 
ed with them to depart for England. As 
they were dropping down the river, they 
met lord Delaware with three ships and 
a plentiful supply of provisions. By the 
prudence and fortitude of the new go- 
vernor, order was restored and indus- 
try promoted. Lord Delaware, depart- 
ing for England the next year, in bad 
health, was succeeded in his command 
by sir Thomas Dale, who brought with 


liim a good supply of men and cattle; but 
lie was not thankfully received, for he 
compelled the planters to work. Poca- 
hontas,* the emperor's daughter, had 
saved the colony once and again, by in- 
forming them of the time and manner 
in which her father proposed to cut them 
off. She was afterwards, at a considerable 
distance from Jamestown, induced to 
come on board a small vessel, with some 
female attendants, to examine the con- 
struction of a floating house. The captain 
thought fit to carry her to the fort, where 
she was treated with the utmost respect; 
but the governor detained her as a valua- 
ble hostage. During her residence at 
Jamestown she formed an acquaintance 
with John Ralfe, a worthy young man, 
who loved her as she deserved; and their 
affections being mutual they were mar- 

April, 161?. 


ried by the emperor's consent. From 
that time the colony enjoyed peace dur- 
ing her life. As the destruction of the 
colony was certainly prevented by the 
exertions of captain Smith, and his life 
was saved by the signal humanity of a 
young savage; we learn with pleasure 
that the posterity of Pocahontas, now 
ealled by different names, are numerous 
and respectable in Virginia, though every 
other branch of the imperial family, 
without fruit or leaf, has long since 
mouldered in the dust. 

From this period the colonists, being 
able to support themselves, increased in 
number and acquired property, though 
they suffered occasionally by the weak- 
ness or rapacity of a governor. The num- 
ber of settlers about Jamestown, being 
greatly increased by the arrival of men 
and women from England, a small party 


was detached* to the post that had for- 
merly been taken on Nansamond river 
by order of captain Smith. From that 
settlement emigrations commenced, in 
a short time, to the waters of Albemarle 
sound, by the way of Blackwater and 
Bennet's creek. Currituck was planted, 
at the same period, by the way of Eliza- 
beth river. 

King Charles, coming to the throne, 
dissolved the London Company and took 
the government into his own hands. f 
From that time patents were issued in 
his name, with a reserved quit-rent of 
two shillings for every hundred acres. 
The lands were holden in free and com- 
mon soccagejj and every man who set- 

* 1621. 

fAnno 1626. 

4 The settlers before that time had been tenants at will. 


tied in the province was allowed fifty 
acres of land for himself, and the same 
quantity for every person in his family, 
provided he should clear and plant three 
acres for every such person within the 
space of three years. Upon this change, 
the province increased rapidly; hut its 
growth was again checked hy the avarice 
of sir John Harvey their governor, who, 
under the cloak of power, imprudently 
put into his hands, insulted the best sub- 
jects, and inflicted such intolerable fines 
that the council apprehended him and 
sent him to London a prisoner. 

Harvey was succeeded in the govern- 
ment by sir William Barclay. This gen- 
tleman was removed from the government 
by Oliver Cromwell; but he resumed the 
administration upon the death of the 
Protector, and proclaimed Charles the 
Second. Barclay was a man of strong- 
passions with considerable address. Dur- 


ing his administration the government 
was nearly overturned by a riot, that is 
usually called Bacon's rebellion. The 
particulars of that rebellion, which cast 
a dark shade upon the character of sir 
William Barclay, have never, that I have 
seen, been fully explained. The reader 
may find the story among the proofs and 
explanations marked D, as I have extract- 
ed it from an original manuscript. 

Among the vices of a profligate king, 
the religious intolerance of Charles the 
Second was not the least hurtful to a 
young colony. Severe laws were enacted 
in Virginia against the quakers, who 
were equally vexed on both sides of the 
Atlantic* By an act of the Virginia le- 

* By an act of the 13th of Charles the Second (1662) 
entitled " An act for preventing the mischiefs and dama- 
ges that may arise by certain persons called quakers, and 
others, refusing to take lawful oaths," it was provided 

VOL. I. I* 


gislature every master of a vessel, who 
should import a quaker, unless such as 
had been shipped from England under 
an act of the thirteenth of Charles the 
Second, was subjected to a fine of five 
thousand weight of tobacco, for the first 
offence. Intolerant laws were made at 
the same time against sectarians of 
every denomination in Virginia; and 
many of the most industrious subjects 
were constrained to leave the colony. 
They fled to the wilderness, at the dis- 
tance of eighty or ninety miles from 
the operation of those laws. Hence it 

that every five of them, meeting for religious worship, 
should be fined for the first offence five pounds; for the 
second offence, ten pounds; and for the third offence, 
abjure the realm or be transported by order of his majesty 
to any of his plantations. Many quakers refused to take 
the oath; and they were transported accordingly. Sixty of 
them were exported from England in one ship, the Black 
Eagle, in March 1664, and the governors of the planta- 
tions were ordered to receive theim 


followed, that the first settlers, near Pas- 
quetank and Perquimons, were chiefly 
emigrants -from Virginia and dissenters 
from the established church of England; 
many of them were quakers. Such was 
the effect of a persecuting spirit in Vir- 
ginia, and such is the connexion between 
the first settlements in Virginia and 
those in North Carolina. Such also is the 
connexion between the original attempts 
of sir Walter Raleigh and the final set- 
tlement of a colony on the waters of 

No prince could be more liberal than 
Charles the Second, in rewarding his 
friends with that which cost him no- 
thing; nor was he without precedent, in 
his own family, in granting the same 
thing a second time. James the First; 
divided the province, that had been 
granted to sir Walter Raleigh, between 
two companies; and Charles the First 


granted a considerable part of the same 
territory to one of his favourites. In the 
fifth year of his reign, he granted to sir 
Robert Heath, the attorney general, all 
that part of America from the river Saint 
Matthew in thirty degrees of north lati- 
tude, to the river Passo Mago* in thirty- 
six degrees, and extending in longitude 
from the Atlantic to the South sea; also 
all the islands of Veanis and Bahama, 
not being in the actual possession of any 
christian prince; creating the said sir 
Robert Heath, his heirs and assigns, true 
and absolute lords and proprietors of the 
said region and territory ; saving the 
faith and allegiance due the king and 
his successors. The territory thus grant- 
ed was erected into a province by the 
name of Carolina. The laudable zeal of 

* The great entrance viz. Albemarle sound. 


sir Robert Heath for promoting the 
christian faith, enlarging the empire, and 
increasing the commerce of the king- 
dom, at his own charge, are stated as 
motives to this grant. Sir Robert, upon 
the twenty-third of Charles the First, 
conveyed the province to lord Matrovers, 
who, on the death of his father, became 
earl of Arundel and Surrey. He intended 
to have planted a colony, and sent a ves- 
sel to examine the coast; but he was 
interrupted by the civil war$ in which 
he was one of the king's generals. 
Charles the Second granted to eight of 
his favourites the territory that had been 
twice or three times granted to other 
persons; the patent issued to sir Robert 
Heath being declared void, " because the 
conditions, on which it was granted, had 
not been fulfilled." His majesty was 
pleased to grant to Edward earl of Cla- 
rendon, George duke of Albemarle, Wit- 


liam earl of Craven, John lord "Berkeley, 
Anthony lord Ashley, sir George Car- 
teret, sir John Calleton, and sir William 
Berkeley, all that province or tract of 
land that lieth between thirty-six de- 
grees and thirty-one degrees of north 
latitude, extending from the Virginia 
seas westward to the South seas, to- 
gether with all the royalties, properties, 
jurisdiction, and privileges of the county 
of Durham or any other county palatine. 
This charter was dated the 24th of March 
1663. A second charter was granted 
them* after they had obtained more 
correct information concerning the coun- 
try. The second charter included all the 
lands that lie between the latitude of 
twenty-nine degrees, the beginning of 
that degree, and the latitude of thirty? 

* The SOth of June 1665. 


six degrees and thirty minutes, being 
eight degrees and thirty minutes, and ex- 
tending from the Atlantic to the South 


* See Proofs &c. D. 



WE have now arrived at a period, 
from which we are to trace the pro- 
gress of a small colony, seated in Caro- 
lina. A colony, as the reader observes, 
that was not seated hy any design of 
the national government, to extend its 
commerce or to civilize the Indians. Nor 
was it seated by ambitious men, through 
the desire of obtaining large seigniories 
or collecting treasures of gold. It had 
been thriving, for several years, like a 
foundling, without the fostering hand of 
a parent. It was the child of despotism 


and intolerance; but it was the first co- 
lony that adhered to the soil, took root, 
and continued to grow. In reviewing* the 
progress of this colony, the reader is not 
to look for those incidents, which are 
confessedly the most admired in civil 
histories. He will not be entertained 
by long details of battles and sieges; 
of countries laid waste, cities reduced 
to ashes, and men extirpated by thou- 
sands. He will not be amused by the 
achievements of great men, such as 
Alexander and Gengis Kan: men who are 
called great, not because they enacted 
good laws, or made their subjects happy; 
not because they performed a series of 
good actions: they were called great, 
because they committed great robberies 
and innumerable murders; desolated 
kingdoms, and filled the earth with 
widows and fatherless children. Like a* 
general famine or pestilence, they were 
a great curse. In the history of this co- 

VOL. I. M 


lony, he will find nothing that is marvel- 
lous or uncommon. He will find a colony 
labouring for sixty or seventy years 
under a constant succession of calami- 
ties and disasters. He will see anar- 
chy and confusion constantly prevailing 
against the advantages of soil and climate. 
He will see that the public peace was 
destroyed, and the subjects were involv- 
ed in broils, sedition, and misery, once 
and again, by the artifice and intrigues of 
little villains. The history of such men 
is less amusing than the exploits of 
great robbers; but it may be more useful 
in the common path of life. We seldom 
find much difficulty in knowing our duty; 
but we need advice, example, or experi- 
ence, to shun the snares of ambitious or 
wicked men. 

The proprietors of Carolina had reason 
to promise themselves a considerable re- 
venue from their new province. The 


territory was extensive; the produce val- 
uable; and the difficulties of planting 
a colony were chiefly overcome. People 
had been removing to that country for 
more than twenty years, at their own 
expense; whereas, former colonists had 
been transported and fed at the expense 
of other men. 

There were two settlements within 
the limits of North Carolina, when the 
last charter was granted. The chief set- 
tlement was on the waters of Albemarle, 
to the northward of the sound. The 
other was a small colony, that had re- 
moved from Massachusetts, and seated 
themselves upon Charles river; that is 
now called Oldtown creek, near the south 
side of Clarendon river; that is usually 
called Cape Fair by a strange corrup- 
tion of terms, because there is a dan- 
gerous cape at the mouth of the river 


that is, not without reason, called Cape 

No time was lost in forming govern- 
ments for these several colonies.* A 
county was erected on the waters of Al- 
bemarle; and the board of proprietors 
authorized sir William Berkeley to super- 
intend the affairs of that county, and 
constitute a governorf and a council of 
six, who should rule the community ac- 
cording to the powers granted in the 
charter. He was also instructed to con- 
firm people in their possessions^ and 

* A county was originally a distinct government. 

f See Proofs and Explanations, E. 

| As the first settlers, on the waters of Weapomiock, 
now called Albemarle sound, were chiefly refugees from 
ecclesiastical oppression, they had no claims on govern- 
ment; nor did they wish to draw its attention. They re- 
garded the Indian natives as the true lords of the soil; 
treated with them in that capacity; purchased their lands, 


grant land to all applicants, allowing 
three years for payment of quit-rents. 
Laws were to be made, by consent of 
the freemen or their delegates; and those 
laws were to be remitted to the pro- 
prietors for their approbation. Sir Wil- 
liam Berkeley visited the colony in person 
the following summer, and appointed 
such officers as then appeared necessary, 
making Drummond their governor. The 
proprietors, at their first meeting, had 
published proposals to such persons as 
should settle in Carolina. The terms 
were calculated for the meridian of New 
England; from which, as appears by one 
of their letters,* they expected the chief 

and obtained their grants. The number of those people, 
in the process of time, had drawn the attention of govern- 
ment; and sir William Berkeley, the governor of Vir- 
ginia, in the year 1661, was instructed to give them 
other titles to those lands, causing them to hold under 
ihe crown. 

* See Proofs and Explanations E. 



supply of planters. They promised that 
every man should enjoy the most perfect 
freedom in the exercise of his religion. 
By their subsequent conduct we shall 
see with how much sincerity or truth 
they made that promise. Adventurers 
were promised gratuities in land, accord- 
ing to the number of their respective 
families. They were also to enjoy free- 
dom from customs, according to the 
charter. The settlers were to present 
thirteen persons to the proprietors, who 
were to choose a governor and council 
of six out of that number. The governor, 
council, and delegates, to be chosen by 
the people, as soon as the circumstances 
of the colony would permit, were to 
make laws, not repugnant to the laws of 
England, nor to be in force if disan- 
nulled by the proprietors. Before those 
measures had produced any effect, the 
New England colony, who had settled on 
Oldtown creek, were driven away by the 


Indians.* Those people had shipped off 
some Indian children, for the purpose, 
as they alleged, of having- them educated 
to the northward. The Indians, in a short 
time, were induced to believe that their 
children had been sold into slavery. The 
very suspicion of this outrage upon 
humanity excited general indignation 
and hostility. The Indians, without other 
weapons than bows and arrows, by kill- 
ing or stealing cattle, and by other acts 
of constant aggression, caused those peo- 
ple to leave the settlement. We are not 
willing to believe, that any class of men 
were guilty of deliberate cruelty, under 
the semblance of friendship; although 
the lax state of morals among the origi- 
nal settlers, and the prevailing custom 

* They had settled on that river in the year 1660, and 
deserted their habitations before the autumn 1663, leav- 
ing many hogs and neat cattle in the hands of the Indians. 


at that period, of selling the miserable 
natives into slavery, gave too much coun- 
tenance to the charge. The Massachu- 
setts emigrants alleged the sterility of 
the soil, as the chief cause of their de- 
serting the settlement. Whether this or 
the other was the true cause of their 
removing, this alone was a sufficient 

Some planters in Barbadoes, who wish- 
ed to remove to the continent, employed 
captain Hilton, about this time, with 
fifteen or twenty men, to explore the 
coast. The site of the late colony had 
drawn their attention; and the captain 
was instructed to be particular in ex- 
amining the lands from which they had 
removed. He anchored within Cape 
Fear, * and proceeded up Clarendon 

* September 166; 


river in his boat, until his progress 
was stopped by logs. While he was on 
the river, he purchased from the Indians 
a considerable tract of land; for which 
he paid them in kettles, beads and other 
articles in demand among the savages, 
for use or ornament. 

Those people, having made their pur- 
chase from the Indians, solicited a grant 
of thirty-two miles square from the pro- 
prietors, with the powers of a corpora- 
tion. Those powers were refused; but 
they obtained liberal grants of land and 
every other reasonable indulgence. In 
consequence of those arrangements, a 
small colony from Barbadoes seated 
themselves near the mouth of Oldtown 
creek,* on the south side of Clarendon 
river; and a county was established in 

* Anno 1665. 
VOL. I. N 


that part of the province, named Claren- 
don, with the same constitution and 
powers that had been granted to Albe- 
marle. Sir John Yeamans was chosen 
governor of the county. This gentleman's 
father, an alderman of Bristol, during 
the civil war had been executed by 
Fiennes, the governor of that city under 
the parliament, for attempting to betray 
it to the forces of king Charles. The 
son was created a baronet to reward 
his father's loyalty; but the title only 
served to make his poverty the more 
conspicuous; wherefore he removed to 
Barbadoes to mend his fortune. 

As the safety of a young colony is 
proportioned to the number of fencible 
inhabitants, the Barbadoes emigrants en- 
deavoured to strengthen themselves by 
making the most flattering offers of land 
to all adventurers. They promised, through 
the indulgence of the proprietors, to 


every man who should join them before 
the last of March 1667, one hundred 
acres of land in fee, and the same quan- 
tity for his men servants, and each of his 
children. He was also to have fifty acres 
for each of his women servants and 
slaves, upon the condition, that he should 
bring with him a good musket, ten 
pounds of powder, twenty pounds of lead, 
and provisions for six months.* Every 
man servant, when free, was to have one 
hundred acres of land, two suits of apparel, 
and the necessary tools for his trade. 
They were, as in the other colonies, to 
be governed by laws made by the lords 
proprietors, until they should become 
sufficiently numerous to have representa- 
tives chosen annually by themselves; by 
whom, with the governor and his council, 
their laws were to be made. They chose 

* See A Brief Description of Carolina, printed by Ro- 
bert Heme, Gresham College, London, 1666. 


their own governor, who was to continue 
in office for three years. This was a privi- 
lege peculiar to the Cape Fear colony. 

There are soils upon which neither 
animals nor vegetables increase. This 
was unfortunately the case with the 
tract upon which the West India planters 
had settled. In May 1666 there were not 
more than eight hundred persons in the 
colony. They supported themselves ne- 
vertheless, a few years, by exporting 
boards, shingles, ton timber, and staves, 
to Barbadoes; from which they received 
dry goods and West India produce. 
They had the good fortune to preserve 
peace with the Indians; and the governor 
of their choice ruled them with prudence 
and affection. 

The first legislative assembly, of which 
we have any notice, was convened in 
Albemarle county in the year 1667. 


Hitherto the inhabitants had lived with- 
out anxiety or care. They had no law- 
suits; for they were not in debt. They 
had little need of money; for they had no 
taxes to pay. But the time was at hand, 
in which they were to pay quit-rents 
for their lands. By that circumstance 
they were induced to examine their titles, 
and consider the terms and conditions on 
which they held those lands. The terms 
were not satisfactory. The several tracts, 
offered by the proprietors as a gratuity 
to promote the settlement of Albemarle, 
had not been so large as were promised 
in Clarendon county. This however was 
not the subject of complaint, for the 
quality of the land was better; but the 
terms, upon which titles could be obtain- 
ed for those gratuitous tracts, had been 
made more difficult than the terms an- 
nexed to similar grants in Virginia.* 

*The bounty lands were fifty acres for every person in 


The assembly petitioned the proprietors 
on this subject, and were gratified by an 
instrument of writing, that is called the 
great charter.* 

The proprietors fitted out a vessel the 
next year for making discoveries in the 
southern part of their territory. Seal, who 
commanded that vessel, was driven by a 
storm among the Bahama Islands, of 
which he made a favourable report. He 
also described the mouths of several rivers 
or inlets that he had seen in Carolina. 

the family, for which a warrant was issued; but those 
lands, by the conditions of the grant, returned to the pro- 
prietors, unless three acres should be cleared and planted 
within three years for every fifty acres taken up. This 
did not require great exertions; but, easy as the task may 
appear, it was more, in many cases, than the settlers 
were ready to perform. Applications were made every 
year to the governor and council for more time to save 
land that had escheated. 

* See Proofs and Explanations F. 


Upon his report, the proprietors obtained 
a charter for the Bahama Islands; and 
they fitted out two ships with adventurers, 
arms, provisions, and instruments of hus- 
bandry, for planting a southern colony. 
Seal was appointed their governor.* He 
fixed the colony at Port Royal, where he 
found deep water and a good harbour. A 
new county was erected for that colony: 
it was called Carteret, and extended from 
Cape Roman southerly. The settlers, after 
some time, were relieved by a ship from 
England, in which the proprietors sent 
deputies to assist the governor. Three 
distinct governments were then establish- 
ed in Carolina; the several governments 
being called counties; for a precinct, in the 
original form, conveyed the same idea that 
a county does at present. 

As it was to be expected, that a great 

Twenty-sixth July 1669. 


and fertile province would become the 
residence of a numerous and powerful 
body of people, the lords proprietors 
thought fit in the infant state of those 
colonies to establish a permanent form of 
government. Their object, as they ex- 
pressed themselves, was " to make the 
" government of Carolina agree, as nearly 
" as possible, to the monarchy of which it 
" was a part, and to avoid erecting a 
"numerous democracy." Lord Ashley, 
one of the proprietors, who was after- 
wards created earl of Shaftesbury, a man 
of fine talents, was requested by the pro- 
prietors to prepare a form of government; 
but he availed himself of the abilities of 
John Locke, the celebrated philosopher 
and metaphysician, who drew up a plan, 
consisting of one hundred and twenty 
articles or fundamental constitutions, of 
which the following are the outlines. 

Carolina shall be divided into counties 
Each county shall consist of eight signio- 


ries, eight baronies and four precincts. 
Each precinct shall consist of six colonies. 
Each signiory, barony, or colony shall 
consist of twelve thousand acres. The 
signiories shall be annexed unalienably 
to the proprietors; the baronies, to the 
nobility; and the precincts, being three 
fifths of the whole, shall remain to the 

Any proprietor, before the year 1701, 
may sell his proprietorship and signio- 
ries, but not afterwards. 

There shall be two orders of nobility 
chosen by the proprietors, viz. Land- 
graves and Casiques. 

There shall be as many landgraves &s 
counties, and twice as many casiques. 

Each landgrave shall hold four baro- 
nies, and each casique two baronies. 

Any landgrave or casique, before the 
year 1701, may alienate his dignity with 
all the baronies annexed, not afterwards. 

vol. i. o 


They shall necessarily descend from that 
period to his heir; hut he may sell or let 
two thirds of the land for a term not ex- 
ceeding three lives, or thirty-one years. 

There may he manors, to consist of 
not less than three thousand acres, or 
more than twelve thousand in one tract 
or colony. 

The lord of every signiory, harony, or 
manor, shall have the power of holding 
court leet, for trying causes civil or crimi- 
nal, with appeal to the precinct or county 

No leet man shall remove from the 
land of his lord, without permission. 

There shall he eight supreme courts. 
The oldest proprietor shall be palatine; 
and each of the other proprietors shall 
hold a great office: viz. the several offices 
of chancellor, chief justice, constable, ad- 
miral, treasurer, high steward, and cham- 

The palatine's court shall consist of 


the palatine and the other seven proprie- 

Each of the other proprietors, being at 
the head of a court, shall have six coun- 
sellors and a college of twelve assistants. 

The chancellor's assistants shall be 
called vice-chancellors. 

The chief justice's assistants shall be 
called justices of the bench. 

The constable's assistants shall be 
called marshals. 

The admiral's assistants shall be called 

The treasurer's assistants shall be 
called under treasurers. 

The high steward's assistants shall be 
called comptrollers; and 

The chamberlain's assistants shall be 
called vice-chamberlains. 

Of the forty-two counsellors, in the 
several courts, the greater number shall 
be chosen out of the nobles or the sons 
of proprietors or nobles. 


There shall be a grand council, which 
is to consist of the palatine, the other 
seven proprietors, and the forty-two coun- 
sellors, from the courts of the several 
proprietors. They shall have the power 
of making war and peace, ^c. 

Every proprietor may have a deputy, 
who shall have all the powers of his de- 
putator, except that of confirming acts of 
parliament and nominating nobility. 

In every precinct there shall be a court 
consisting of a steward and four justices. 

In every county there shall be a court 
consisting of a sheriff and four justices, 
one from each precinct; all of them 
chosen and commissioned by the pala- 
tine's court. 

No cause of any free man, civil or 
criminal, shall be tried in any court, ex- 
cept by a jury of his peers. 

Juries are to consist of twelve men, of 
whom it shall be sufficient that a majority 
are agreed. 


It shall be a base and infamous thing, 
in any court, to plead for money or re- 

The parliament shall meet once every 
two years. It shall consist of all the pro- 
prietors or their deputies, the land- 
graves, the casiques, and one commoner 
from each precinct chosen by the free- 
holders in their respective precincts. 
These four estates shall sit in one room, 
each man having one vote. 

The parliament may be summoned to 
meet at other times by the palatine's 

No matter shall be proposed in parlia- 
ment that had not previously been pre-, 
pared and passed by the grand council. 

~No act shall continue in force Longer 
than to the next biennial meeting of par- 
liament, unless in the mean time it shall 
have been ratified by the palatine and a 
quorum of the proprietors. 

While a bill is on its passage before 


the parliament, any proprietor or his 
deputy may enter his protest against it, as 
being contrary to any of the fundamental 
constitutions of government. In which 
case, after debate, the four orders shall 
retire to four separate chambers; and if a 
majority of either the four estates deter- 
mines against the bill, it shall not pass. 

All towns incorporated shall be govern- 
ed by a mayor, twelve aldermen, and 
twenty-four others, who shall form a com- 
mon council. 

There shall be a register in every pre- 
cinct, in which all titles to land, all births, 
marriages, deaths, ^c. shall be registered. 

The church of England being deemed 
the only true orthodox church, no provi- 
sion shall be made by parliament for any 
other church. 

Every man shall declare himself to 
be of some church or religious profession, 
and as such he shall enter his name with 
the precinct register; from which it may 


be struck off by himself or by order 
of the society of which he had been a 

No man, above the age of seventeen 
years, shall have any benefit of the laws, 
whose name is not recorded as a mem- 
ber of some church or religious profes- 

Those fundamental and unalterable 
constitutions were signed by the lords 
proprietors the first of March 1669. It 
would be difficult to account for some of 
the articles that are contained in this 
plan of government, except by recurring 
to the old adage, that respects Scylla and 

The proprietors, or some of them, had 
lately smarted under a government that 
was called republican. They were zeal- 
ous royalists; and they expected, by the 
help of a powerful aristocracy, to obviate 


the return of republican measures; but 
we are sorry to find, among the works of 
John Locke, who was an advocate for civil 
and religious liberty, a plan of govern- 
ment, that in some articles does not con- 
sist with either. 

It will readily be perceived that a go- 
vernment, to be administered by nobles, 
was not well adapted to a country in 
which there was not one nobleman; but 
this was the case in the counties of Albe- 
marle and Carteret.* The lords proprie- 
tors, in the mean time, resolved to come 
as near to the great model as possible. 
For this purpose, governor Stevens of 
Albemarle, and Sayle of Carteret, were 
instructed to issue writs, requiring the 
freeholders to elect five persons, who, 

* John Locke and Sir John Yeamans had been created 
landgraves; but Yeamans alone was resident in the pro- 


with fiye others to he chosen by the pro- 
prietors, were to form a grand council for 
the governor.* 

The parliament was to be composed of 
this great council and twenty delegates, 
who were also to be chosen by the free- 
men. In the mean time, the proprietors 
made temporary laws for the preserva- 
tion of good order in the several colonies; 
laws that were little respected by men 
who had not been consulted in forming 

Upon the death of governor Sayle, who 
sunk under the diseases of a sickly cli- 
mate, sir John Yeamans claimed the 
office of governor, as vice-palatine; for 
he was the only landgrave, or nobleman, 
then residing in Carolina. But the coun- 

* In a short time the governor's council was formed in 
a different manner. 

VOL. I. P 


cil appointed Joseph West their gover- 
nor, until they should learn the will of 
the proprietors. In a few months, Sir 
John Yeamans received a commission, 
by which he was appointed governor of 
the southern county.* From that period 
there have not been more than two go- 
vernments in Carolina. 

Ever since their first establishment in 
this province, the lords proprietors had 
supported a commercial agent, for the 
benefit of the planters. He supplied them 
with cattle, provisions, and implements of 
husbandry; and he received payment in 
peltry, beeswax, or the produce of their 

It was not understood, for many years, 
what would be the staple of the southern 

* August 1671, 


colonies. Men are apt to believe that 
similar climates and fruits are found 
upon a continent in every part of the 
world, between the same parallels of lati- 
tude. But it was known that olives, 
grapes, oranges, almonds, and figs, have 
flourished upon the old continent between 
the parallels of twenty-eight and thirty- 
six degrees; therefore it was taken for 
granted that Carolina would produce the 
same fruits in abundance. Lest the plan- 
ters should be discouraged from export- 
ing their produce, by the weight of the 
revenue laws, while the colony was young, 
it was provided by the charter, that from 
the year 1667, silks, raisins, capers, wax, 
almonds, oil and olives, might be carried 
to England, duty free, for the space of 
seven years. The planters in Carolina, in 
the mean time, had not availed themselves 
of that indulgence; nor had they made any 
progress in cultivating the vine or raising 
silk. From this circumstance it was in- 


ferred, that skilful persons were needed, 
by whom the planters might be instruct- 
ed in the necessary arts. About that time 
a multitude of Huguenots had escaped 
from France. They were fully instructed 
in the several arts of preparing wine and 
silk. Fifty families of those people, men 
women, and children, were sent to Caro- 
lina, by the king, passage free, in the year 
1680. Some experiments were made in 
both Carolinas with the silk-worm and 
the grape; but the planters were soon 
convinced that a crowded population, and 
the consequent poverty of the inhabitants, 
are necessary to the profitable culture of 
silk. They also discovered that their time 
might be more profitably employed than 
in cultivating the vine, the almond, the 
fig, or the olive tree. The culture of those 
plants has therefore been neglected, be- 
cause they are unprofitable, not because 
the soil or climate are unfit to produce 


them. The mulberry tree is an indige- 
nous plant, and so is the grape vine. 
Olive and almond trees are observed to 
thrive; and the fig tree grows in many 
places spontaneously on the coast. The 
object of government was to make the 
colonies profitable to the mother country; 
but the chief object of the planter was to 
raise a useful crop, and support his fa- 
mily with ease. 

While Sir John Yeamans was governor, 
some of the planters from Port Royal, and 
others from Charles river, in Clarendon 
county, removed to Wancto and Keawah, 
now called Cooper and Ashley rivers, for 
the benefit of range. The raising of cattle 
was thought to be more profitable and 
easy than felling of timber. This new 
settlement was more desirable on many 
accounts than either of the original seats 
of government. A -station, at the junction 


of those rivers, was healthy, pleasant and 
easily defended in case of an Indian war; 
wherefore a town sprung up in that place; 
and in a short time it became the centre 
of commerce. 

The second colony, that settled near 
Cape Fear, had never been very nume- 
rous. The barrenness of the soil, in that 
vicinity was not to be overcome, by flat- 
tering promises to adventurers. By nu- 
merous migrations to the southward, the 
colony was greatly reduced; and the whole 
country was again surrendered to the 
original savage, before the year 1690. 

Sir John Yeamans, who had ruled a 
small colony with prudence and modera- 
tion, became insolent, unjust, and tyranni- 
cal, when he governed people by whom 
he had not been chosen. He was vitiated 
by prosperity; wherefore the proprietors. 


in consequence of numerous complaints, 
removed him from the government.* 

Samuel Stevens had been governor of 
Albemarle from the death of Drum- 
mond.f The inhabitants were satisfied 
with the conditions on which they held 
their bounty lands. Every man's property 
was secure; and no taxes could be levied 
except by consent of the assembly. All 
denominations of people enjoyed religi- 
ous liberty upon taking the oath of alle- 
giance to the king and fidelity to the 
lords proprietors; but we have not seen 
any laws made by the assembly before 
the year 1669. The means of increasing 
the colony seem to have claimed the chief 
attention of the legislature at that period. 
¥pr this purpose it was enacted, 

* He died in the colony possessed of a handsome estate. 
tin the year 1667. 


1. That no subject shall be sued, with- 
in fiye years, for any cause of action that 
may have arisen out of the county. 

2. That no person shall receive a power 
of attorney to collect any debt contracted 
out of the county. 

3. That all settlers be exempted from 
taxes for one year. 

4. That transient persons, who do not 
belong to the colony, be prohibited from 
trading with the Indians. 

5. That all persons be restrained from 
making any transfer of lands within two 

Another and a more honourable mode 
of increasing the colony was protected 
by law. There was not any clergyman in 
Albemarle county; nor was there any 
regular mode of celebrating marriage. 
Wherefore it was enacted, 


6. That any two persons desirous of 
being married, and presenting themselves 
before the governor and council, in the 
presence of some of their acquaintance, 
and declaring their mutual consent, 
should be deemed husband and wife. 

A duty of thirty pounds of tobacco was 
imposed upon every law-suit for paying 
the expenses of the governor and council 
during the sitting of the assembly. These 
laws were all ratified by the proprietors. 

The county of Albemarle was at first 
divided into four precints, viz. Currituck, 
Pasquetank, Perquimons and Chowan; in 
which case, five representatives were 
chosen for each precinct. When Tyrrel 
precinct was afterwards laid off, it was 
permitted to have two representatives 
only; but the same law provided that it 
should have five representatives when- 

VOL. j. Q 


ever it should contain five hundred tax- 
able* inhabitants. 

The fundamental constitutions, lately 
adopted and signed by the lords proprie- 
tors, proved to be a source of perpetual 
discord, instead of promoting the public 
good. A plan of government that was not 
favourable to civil liberty, and had little 
dependence on the will of the people, 
was regarded by them with an eye of 
jealousy and a spirit of discontent. During 
the continuance of the original govern- 
ment, that was professedly temporary, 
people looked forward to a form that was 
less desirable, and symptoms of revolt 
were frequent. While the public mind 
was agitated in this manner, by contend- 

* Taxables were every white male aged sixteen years, 
and every slave, negro, mulatto, or Indian, male or female, 
aged twelve years. 


ing passions, one Miller, a man of some 
talents but of a violent temper, was char- 
ged with seditious practices and sent to 
Virginia to be tried by sir William Berk- 
ley; because he was a proprietor. It may 
appear strange that men, who were com- 
plaining of a constitution that would 
abridge their liberties, should have dis- 
covered so little respect for the chartered 
liberty of a fellow subject. But they were 
angry; and anger is a bad counsellor. It 
is the enemy of correct reason or con- 
sistent conduct. Miller was tried and ac- 
quited: the proprietors nevertheless con- 
demned the whole of those proceedings, 
equally subversive of their jurisdiction 
and the liberty of the subject, 

Upon the death of governor Stephens, 
the assembly, according to the proprie- 
tory instructions, chose Cartwright their 
governor; but he returned to England a 
short time after his promotion. In that 


case Eastchurch, who had heen speaker 
of the assembly and chanced to be in 
England, was appointed to the govern- 

The county of Albemarle at this period 
contained about fourteen hundred taxable 
inhabitants; of whom one third were ne- 
groes or Indians, men or women slayes. 
The land was fertile; and the planters 
raised near eight hundred hogsheads of 
tobacco in the year. The trade of Albe- 
marle, from its first settlement, was 
chiefly managed by little adventurers 
from New England. Those people bring- 
ing their goods to every man's door, by a 
few necessaries, many trifles, and a plenti- 
ful supply of ardent spirits, had secured 
a perfect monopoly of the valuable staple 
of North Carolina. The planter had not 
much trouble in selling his crop; and he 
did not perceive that, by selling cheap 


and buying dear, he lost half the produce 
of his farm. The proprietors had been 
striving to alter the course of that ruin- 
ous commerce; but the people refused to 
be instructed. Their enemies were more 
successful than their friends. The pro- 
prietors had other measures at heart, 
which they attempted, in vain, for several 
years. They wished to have settlements 
formed to the southward of Albemarle 
sound, and a communication by land 
with the southern colony. The governor 
of Albemarle and his council, regardless 
of their instructions, had prevented any 
settlements to the southward of the 
sound, because the Indian trade was 
chiefly in their own hands. That trade 
was very profitable; and they perceived, 
that it would be diverted into the haads 
of other people, whenever the settle- 
ments should be extended. Such was the 
motive by which they were induced to 


betray their trust, to sacrifice the in- 
terest of their constituents, and check 
the growth of the province. It is not al- 
leged, that any thing uncommon has 
been observed in the conduct of those 
men. They worshipped the common 
idol, private interest. An idol that, in 
most cases, is the arbiter of right and 

Eastchurch, who was a man of firm- 
ness and activity, had gone to England, 
to solicit the affairs of the colony. In pro- 
moting him to the government, the pro- 
jrietors seem to have made a prudent 
choice. But Miller was in London at the 
same time: he had gone to solicit re- 
dress for the wrong he had sustained, 
in being sent out of the colony for trial. 
Miller was appointed secretary of the 
go>ernment, and was made a member 
of the council, in the character of deputy 


to one of the proprietors.* He was also 
made collector of the revenue by the 
commissioners of the customs. Nothing 
could be more imprudent than the sud- 
den promotion of Miller, among people 
whom he regarded as his enemies. To 
send a man of strong passions, vested 
with considerable power, to collect mo- 
ney that was very scarce, among people 
who had injured him, was delivering 
the debtor into the hands of a merciless 
creditor. It was sending a wolf to guard 
the sheep. The governor and his secre- 
tary left England in the same vessel. 
They came by the West Indies, where 
Eastchurch was detained by private bu- 
siness; but Miller proceeded to Albe- 
marle to rule the colony as president of 

* Each of the proprietors had a deputy in the colony; 
and the governor's council was composed of those eight 


the council, or deputy governor, until 
Eastchurch should arrive. Miller was 
not inattentive to his duty as collector 
of the revenue. Having no disposition 
to indulge the people, he exacted the 
utmost farthing. Before his arrival, the 
assembly had appointed a collector of 
the tobaceo duty. That officer paid over 
a considerable amount that he had re- 
ceived; and Miller collected, from July 
to December, three hundred and twenty- 
seven thousand weight of tobacco, and 
two hundred and forty-two pounds ster- 
ling in cash; for duties were payable 
in cash or tobacco. He rows against 
wind and tide who attempts the refor- 
mation of bad habits: Miller attempted 
to destroy the New England monopoly 
and to establish a direct trade to the 
mother country. In the discharge of Ms 
duty, as president, he did some excep- 
tionable things, at a time when the 
correct discharge of his duty would not 


have escaped censure. Great prudence 
was required among people chafed in 
their tempers, who watched for his faults 
or his mistakes; hut Miller was not a 
prudent man: he scattered the sparks of 
discontent; and the New England traders 
were prepared to hlow them into a flame. 
Currency was given to the most provok- 
ing falsehoods. It was said, and the story 
was believed, that the proprietors in- 
tended to raise the quit-rents from one 
halfpenny to two-pence, and then to six- 
pence the acre. This was a pestilent 
fiction; for it reached the feelings of 
every man who expected to have more 
land, and every man who had not ob- 
tained a patent for the land he occupied. 
At this period of general discontent, one 
Culpepper* arrived from South Carolina, 

* This man had been surveyor general in South Caro- 

VOL. I. R 


who fled from that colony, to escape the 
gibhet, for his attempts to cause the poor 
to plunder the rich. No man could he 
more noisy than Culpepper in profes- 
sions of attachment to the constitution 
and rights of the people, though his true 
object was anarchy and civil commo- 
tions, that he might seize the opportu- 
nity of floating upon the wrecks of other 
men's property. While the public mind 
was chafed by such measures and men, 
a trader named Gillam arrived from 
New England, as usual, in the beginning 
of winter,* with an assortment of dry 
goods and groceries. He was immedi- 
ately arrested, by order of the president, 
and required to give security, one thou- 
sand pounds sterling, that he would 
abide his trial on a charge of a breach 
of the revenue laws. Gillam, who had 

* This was the beginning of the winter 1 677. 


reason to be alarmed, pretended that he 
would leave the country; and the people 
fook arms in support of a smuggler. The 
president and six members of the coun- 
cil were seized and put into prison; for 
it was clear that a notorious offender 
could not be safe while there was any 
appearance of regular government. But 
there was another argument, not less 
conclusive, in favour of a revolution: 
there were three thousand pounds ster- 
ling in the treasury.* The insurgents, 
when they assumed the government, laid 
their hands upon the money in the royal 
treasury, appointed courts of justice, call- 
ed a parliament, and exercised the powers 
of a regular administration, for the space 
of two years. In the mean time Culpep- 
per, who had been the very life of the in- 
surrection, discharged the profitable duty 

* See Proofs and Explanations G. and G. g. 


of collector of the customs. A manifesto 
published by the rioters, on that occa- 
sion, is a humiliating specimen of the 
weak and flimsy arguments that may be 
sufficient to induce the multitude to sup- 
port a dangerous insurrection.* We la- 
ment the credulity of our fellow citizens, 
when we observe instances of this kind, 
in which harmless undesigning men are 
made the tools of faction, and are per- 
suaded to risk their lives in supporting 
the private and personal views of some 
idle, worthless adventurer. "When East- 
church arrived, the next year after the 
riot, though he had not offended the 
people, he was not received as governor. 
The empty gratification of power, and 
the solid fruits of plunder, were not easi- 
ly surrendered by the factious leaders of 
the people. Eastchurch applied to the 

* See Proofs and Explanations H. 


governor of Virginia for assistance to re- 
store the government; but he died of a 
fever before the troops could be raised. 
The insurgents, who now discovered that 
serious correction might be expected, 
sent Culpepper and another of their lead- 
ers to England with a promise of sub- 
mission to the proper authority; but they 
required, as an excuse for the late revolt, 
that Miller should be punished. But Mil- 
ler himself demanded justice against the 
insurgents; for he had lately arrived in 
London, having escaped, with the other 
deputies, from confinement. Culpepper 
was arrested and tried for high treason; 
but he was acquitted upon his plea that 
the late disturbance among the planters 
could only be considered as a riot. Per- 
haps the circumstance of his being im- 
properly brought to trial, out of his 
country, had more weight with the jury. 

134 THE HISTORY, &c, 

It may appear somewhat strange that 
the subjects in Carolina should have re- 
volted on the very next year after the 
general revolt, called Bacon's rebellion, 
had been suppressed in Virginia. It 
would not be alleged that the Carolinians 
had been tempted to rebel, by the impu- 
nity of the Virginia insurgents; for we 
have seen that sir William Berkley, in 
cutting off the delinquents, was not much 
restrained by the milk of humanity.* 
But the object of revolt in Carolina was 
very different from what it had been in 
Virginia, and it was pursued with less 

* See Proofs and Explanations E. 



THE lords proprietors had now to 
determine whether they should employ 
force, and teach the insurgents to res- 
pect the laws, or accept a nominal sub- 
mission upon their own terms. They 
adopted the latter plan; for they believed, 
or affected to believe, the promises of 
rioters and robbers. Hence it was that 
the colony lingered for many years under 
a painful and wasting hectic, that was 
cherished by their weak, inergetic mea- 
sures. This palpable instance of indo- 
lence or irabecillity gave countenance 


and spring to future insults and disor- 
ders, whereby the colony was long de- 
tained in a state of minority. 

A governor was then required whose 
address should make him popular, whose 
wisdom should discover the best mea- 
sures, whose justice should reward the 
deserving, and whose example should 
induce men to observe the laws. We 
shall presently discover how well the 
proprietors succeeded in their choice. 
Lord Clarendon had lately sold his 
eighth of the colony to Seth Sothel, a 
man who was perfectly disengaged from 
business; and it was conceived that one 
of the proprietors, in the character of 
governor, would be greatly superior te 
any of his predecessors, because he had 
a personal interest in the growth of the 
colony. Sothel was appointed governor; 
and the administration was committed to 
John Harvey, as president of the council, 


until Sothel should arrive; but the public 
sufferings were not relieved by that mea- 
sure. It was known that Harvey could 
not be long in power, therefore his pro- 
mises and threats were equally disre- 
garded. Sothel was captured by the 
Algerines, on his passage to Carolina. 
And the government of Albemarle, in 
the meantime, was committed to John 
Jenkins, a man of respectable talents. 
As some of the first settlers held their 
lands under grants issued in Virginia, 
before Carolina became a province, those 
people were then gratified by new grants, 
that were issued, according to late in- 
structions from the proprietors.* An act 
of oblivion passed in favour of the late 
rioters, except that the duties due the 
king were to be paid, and his collector 
indemnified. The proprietors gave ex- 

* The Instructions were dated 5th February 1679. 
VOL. I. S 


cellent advice to the governor, to be 
communicated to the people. But rioters 
are not governed by reason: a course of 
idleness and rapine had produced in- 
veterate habits; and idle habits are sel- 
dom cured, except by external force or 
extreme indigence. The restoration of 
..plunder was a hard condition of peace. 
The rioters had never been guided by 
justice: they were the strongest party; 
and they proceeded against their oppo- 
nents by fines and imprisonment; so that 
many people fled to Virginia to shun 

While the colony was labouring under 
this general calamity, a dawn of hope 
cheered the inhabitants, by the arrival of 
governor Sothel, who sustained also the 
respectable rank of proprietor. He had 
been instructed to expel from his coun- 
cil those who were concerned in the 
late disorders; to establish a court of 


the most impartial inhabitants, for re- 
dressing the wrongs of those who had 
suffered by violence, and to assist the 
officers in collecting the revenue. It can- 
not indeed be alleged, of this unfortunate 
colony, that they exchanged king Log 
for a Stork. They had long been suffer- 
ing under a scourge of their own mak- 
ing; but they had now to suffer a variety 
of penance under a new master. The 
annals of human depravity are stained 
with the gloomy and dark characters of 
treacherous confidents, corrupt judges, 
and rapacious governors; but the name 
of Sothel has a prominent claim to notice 
in that long and hideous catalogue; for 
he was among the foremost in the race of 
infamy. We search in vain for the time or 
means by which he acquired a thorough 
contempt of justice. Did he conceive that 
man should be a wolf to man, because 
he had seen tyranny in its completest 
form, while he lived among the Alge- 


rines? Or did he think, with the Spar- 
tans, * that men could be taught by 
fraud and rapine how to set a proper 
value upon justice and good laws? Du- 
ring the space of six years, in which he 
misruled the inhabitants of North Caro- 
lina, the dark shades of his character 
were not relieved by a single ray of 
virtue. Despising instructions, and desti- 
tute of principle, his sole object was 
plunder and property. In that pursuit, 
his avarice could not be satiated. For 
the sake of acquiring fees, as governor 
or proprietor, he disputed the best titles 

* The Spartans trained their children in the love of 
temperance, by exposing drunken slaves to their view. 
We have frequently to lament that young gentlemen are 
not universally taught to despise the base and ridiculous 
habit of profane swearing, when they observe that the 
most abandoned and the most ignorant of the human spe- 
cies are most in the habit of embellishing their noisy 
nonsense with the livery lace of oaths and curses. 


and vexed the fairest traders. For a 
handsome bribe he would suffer felons 
to escape; and he would distress the 
innocent for a smaller sum. Justice and 
injustice were alike to him: they were 
both at market; and they were botli to be 
purchased with money. The patience of 
the inhabitants was at length exhausted 
by his tyranny, and they seized him 
with the purpose of sending him to 
England; but he prayed that he might 
be tried by the next assembly. He was 
tried according to his request; and the 
assembly determined that he should im- 
mediately resign the government, and 
that he should depart the country within 
twelve months. 

Was it to be expected that Sothel 
would ever be found again at the head 
of any government? He retired to South 
Carolina, where his vices, like those of 
Culpepper, recommended him to public 


notice. There was a faction in that co- 
lony, who quarrelled with Colleton their 
governor, because he attempted to re- 
strain some disorderly practices. Colle- 
ton was set aside from the government; 
and Sothel, because he was a proprietor, 
or because he had been active in promo- 
ting discord, was made governor in his 
place. Within two years those licentious 
people were taught, by his iron rod, the 
salutary lessons of repentance and refor- 

* He was removed in the year 1692. 

Weak and wicked as the colonial governors were, in 
many instances, we can hardly pass the appointment of 
Sothel to the general account of court favour or inatten- 
tion. Sothel believed that a distant colony might be plun- 
dered with impunity; for the late incidents in Carolina 
had given too much countenance to that supposition; and 
there is reason to believe that he purchased lord Claren- 
don's share of the province, with the hope of making a 
fortune. A proprietor could hardly be refused the go- 
vernment. As he entered extensively into the Indian 


The proprietors, weary and sick of the 
unalterable rule, by which they had not 
been able to govern the colonies — a rule 
that had caused much discontent — re- 
solved that " as the people have declared 
they would rather be governed by the 
powers granted by the charter, without 
regard to the fundamental constitutions, 
it will be for their quiet and the protec- 
tion of the well-disposed to grant their 
request."* It was unfortunate that the 
identity of the instrument, which was 
designed to be the fundamental constitu- 
tions or magna charta of Carolina, should 
have been disputed. The lords proprie- 
tors in July 1669 imprudently transmit- 
ted a rough sketch of what was in con- 

trade, among other means of acquiring property, he was 
in the direct way to obtain his object. He died in North 
Carolina in the year 1694 without issue. 

♦April 1693. 


temptation; but the perfect constitutions 
were signed by them in March 1670. 
The first, being more favourable to the 
people, were accepted; but the latter were 
soon denied to be authentic, and were 
rejected. This contributed to numerous 
disputes and to the final abolition of that 
curious system, at the end of twenty- 
three years. 

The baneful effects of rapine, anarchy, 
and idleness, may be inferred, from the 
decrease of subjects in North Carolina. 
At a general court that was held the 
twenty-eighth of November 1694, the 
list of taxables did not exceed seven 
hundred and eighty seven. This is little 
more than half the number that was in 
the colony at the beginning of Culpep- 
per's insurrection.* By a more stable 

See Proofs and Explanations I. 


government, the colony, in a few years, 
resumed its former growth. Philip Lud- 
well, the governor, according to his in- 
structions, desired all persons, who had 
suffered any wrongs under the govern- 
ment of Sothel, to make application to 
him, and he would do them justice. The 
frauds that Sothel had committed, in 
his private capacity, were to be redressed 
by other means; and it appears, by the 
numerous suits that were brought against 
his executors, and by the evidence ex- 
amined in court, that his private* and 
his public character were in perfect uni- 
son. Many recoveries were had against 
his estate; but the proprietors, who sued 
for rents that he had received, to a con- 
siderable amount, were nonsuited, be- 
cause they were tenants in common.f 

* See Proofs and Explanations K. 

t Tenants in common were afterwards subjected to re- 

VOL. I. T 


Ludwell continued but a short time 
in the colony;* and he was succeeded 
in the administration by Thomas Harvey 
as deputy governor. The conduct of that 
officer was mild and prudent; but he 
wanted that strength of judgment and 
weight of character, which are necessary 
to removing grievances, and quelling a 
licentious spirit, such as then disturbed 
the peace of both Carolinas. 

It is difficult to determine in which 
of the colonies, riot and disorder first 
appeared; but folly is infectious. How- 
ever we may value ourselves upon our 
intellectual powers, it is not to be de- 
nied, that in many cases we are guided 
by passion and not by reason: by the 

ciprocal actions of account by a statute of fourth of queen 

* He was four years governor; but he resided the 
greater part of that time in Virginia. 


fashion of the times, and not by moral 
sentiment. Is there a custom so foolish, 
so useless, or so ridiculous, that it may 
not be admired and become the rage 
among civilized nations? It was to-iittle 
purpose that plebeians were restrained, 
by an act of parliament, in the time of 
Edward the Fourth, from disfiguring 
their shoes or boots, by a bowsprit toe, 
more than two inches long. Men of for- 
tune cannot expect the monopoly of folly. 
The peasant will tread upon the cour- 
tier's heels. It is greatly to be wished 
that follies alone were under the influ- 
ence of fashion; our morals also, in too 
many cases, are under its direction. Riot- 
ing, profanity, drunkenness, perjury, se- 
duction, and robbery, in different ages, 
have been countenanced and promoted 
by this blind and brainless tyrant. It 
is to be lamented that fashion does not, 
on some occasions, lend her assistance 
to virtue; but we observe that one pro- 


fligate libertine has more influence upon 
the manners of society than the precepts 
and example of many virtuous citizens. 
Aristophanes, the infidel and comedian, 
had infinitely more success in corrupting 
the citizens of Athens, than Socrates 
and all his disciples in reforming them. 

u Probitas laudatur et alget." 

The inhabitants of North and South 
Carolina had been governed, for several 
years, by the same laws; the interest 
of those colonies was nearly the same; 
and they continued to be under the 
same influence and superintendence af- 
ter they began to make laws for them- 
selves. In such a case, we are not 
surprised, that complaints in one of the 
colonies were quickly followed by similar 
complaints in the other; nor that riots, 
mobs, and insurrections, in either of 
the governments, should have given the 


tone to similar disorders in the sister 

We haye noted that South Carolina 
was governed a few years hy sir John 
Yeamans. That colony was chiefly com- 
posed of puritans and cavaliers, who had 
migrated from England during the civil 
commotions: men who were perfect an- 
tipodes to one another in all their ideas 
of government, civil or religious; hut 
governor Yeamans was a zealous cava- 
lier; and the council, by his direction, 
was chiefly composed of high church- 
men. Sir John Yeamans was succeeded 
in the government by Joseph West, who 
was a moderate and prudent man; but 
his council, being cavaliers, wished to 
establish a high-toned prerogative go- 
vernment. West was succeeded by Mor- 
ton, who in a short time gave place to 
Colleton. During the administration of 
that gentleman, the high church party 


had nearly destroyed the government. 
They opposed every measure that was 
recommended by the first magistrate; 
they refused to make any salutary laws, 
and despised the laws already made. 
That their contempt of government 
might be placed in the strongest light, 
they caused a bill to pass in the house 
of assembly for disabling Mr. Colleton 
from holding any office in the colony.* 
At this period it was that Sothel, from 
North Carolina, assumed the govern- 

Smith, the legal successor of Colleton, 
was equally incapable of reducing those 
disorderly people to the obedience of 
the laws. The spirit of envy, hatred and 
discord pervaded the colony. The French 
huguenots, who had settled in the pro- 

* In the year 1690. 


vince, were treated in the most~ inhos- 
pitable manner. Those people, being 
aliens, and incapable of holding lands, 
were refused the benefit of naturaliza- 
tion; their marriages, by ministers not 
ordained by bishops, were deemed ille- 
gal, and their children treated as bas- 
tards. The leading object of the faction 
was to deprive all dissenters, from the 
English church, of the rights of suffrage; 
and to make them perfect blanks in 
society. Governor Smith, being wearied 
by fruitless attempts to satisfy the dis- 
contented, quiet the turbulent, or re- 
move pretended grievances, asked leave 
to retire from the helm. The proprietors 
had long been acquainted with the disor- 
ders that prevailed in North Carolina; 
and the disorders in South Carolina 
were cherished, if possible, by a more 
dangerous spirit; for the factious and 
turbulent were covering their vices 
by the cloak of religion. It was admitted 


that serious and powerful measures must 
be adopted to correct a disease by which 
the whole body was afflicted. Governor 
Smith had represented to the proprietors, 
that " the country could not be settled 
unless one of themselves should be sent 
out, with full powers to heal grievances." 
Their first choice of a governor, for this 
purpose, fell upon lord Ashly. It was 
presumed that his pleasing manners, 
high rank, and respectable talents, might 
be effectual in reducing those colonies 
to the obedience of the laws. Lord Ashly 
alleged, that the state of his private af- 
fairs did not permit him to leave the 
kingdom; whereupon John Archdale, an- 
other of the proprietors, a man of great 
prudence, sagacity and command of tem- 
per, was appointed governor of Carolina. 
He was vested with authority so great 
and extensive, that the proprietors thought 
fit to have it recorded, in his commission, 
that such powers were not to be claimed. 


as a precedent, by future governors. He 
arrived first in South Carolina,* where 
he formed a new council of moderate 
men; and in a short time, by remitting 
some arrears of rent,f and by other con- 
ciliating measures, he prevailed so far in 
quieting the most turbulent spirits, that 
he ventured to call a meeting of the 
general assembly. The address of the 
representatives of the people to the lords 
proprietors, at the rising of the assem- 
bly, is a proof, if any thing can be in- 
ferred from addresses, that they found 
themselves happy in their governor.^ 

Archdale was one of the people who 
are called quakers; and we discover 

* August 17th, 1695. 

t He remitted three years' rent to such as held their 
lands by gran*s, and four years' rent to such as held them 
only by a survey. 

} See Proofs and Explanations, K k. 

VOL. I. U 


marks of philanthropy in the course of 
his administration, that were in perfect 
agreement with his puhlic profession. 
Averse as he was to military operations, 
and the shedding of blood, he believed 
that a small colony, surrounded by sa- 
vage and hostile Indians, should hold 
themselves in a state of constant de- 
fence. With this view he promoted a mi- 
litia law, which, in the spirit of tolera- 
tion, granted exemption to men who 
were restrained by religious principles 
from bearing arms.* However prudent 
and necessary it was to be capable of 
repelling injuries, the governor believed, 
that peace was more to be desired than 
success in war. For this reason, the whole 
of his conduct towards the Indians was 
influenced by justice and kindness. The 
Yammassee Indians, who lived to the 

* See Proofs and Explanations, K k 2. 


southward of Charleston, took some 
Spanish Indians prisoners, whom they 
offered to sell as slayes, according to the 
fashion of the times. But the Yammassee 
Indians were under the protection of the 
English colony. The governor sent for 
the chief of that tribe, and gave him a 
letter to the governor of Saint Augus- 
tine, with orders to deliver that letter 
and the prisoners to the Spanish go- 
vernor. The liberation of those prisoners 
made a favourable impression upon all 
the neighbouring Indians, and was of 
great use to the colony, by extending the 
Indian trade. 

There was at that period a space of 
near three hundred miles between the 
North and South Carolina settlements. 
The Indians were numerous and pow- 
erful about Pamlico,* Neus, and Trent 

* The lower part of Taw river was called Pamlico. 


rivers; and the Indians, who lived near 
Cape Fear, were not improved in ci- 
vilization by the intercourse they for- 
merly had with the English colonies 
in that vicinity; for the settlement was 
deserted a second time. Whenever a 
vessel was cast away upon the Cape, 
a disaster that was frequent in those 
days, the Indians destroyed the unfor- 
tunate passengers with unrelenting cru- 
elty. It happened that some Indians, 
who lived to the northward of Charles- 
ton, making war upon the Cape Fear 
Indians, took some of them prisoners, 
and sold them for slaves. The Cape 
Fear Indians complained of that mis- 
fortune to an English trader, and were 
advised to put themselves under the 
protection of government; in which case, 
no other Indians as he alleged, would 
venture to insult them. They applied to 
governor Archdale, in consequence of 
that advice; and he promised them pro- 


tection, upon the condition that they 
should never insult any people who 
might he cast on shore near the Cape. 
They agreed to the terms; and within 
a few weeks, they gave their assistance 
to fifty adventurers from New England, 
who were shipwrecked on Cape Fear, 
in their way to Charleston. 

Governor Archdale, upon his arrival 
in North Carolina, had less trouble in 
restoring peace and good order than he 
experienced in the southern government. 
Factious spirits were no longer coun- 
tenanced by the bad example of a sister 
colony; and a considerable part of the 
inhabitants were of the people called 
quakers, with whom the governor had 
personal influence. Although he spent 
more of his time in South Carolina (for 
he had more to do in that colony) his 
attachment to North Carolina was ob- 
vious. He purchased lands in Albemarle, 


and one of his daughters married in 
Pasquetank; where some of his descen- 
dents are living at this day. 

Archdale had not retired many years 
from Carolina, when the spirit of dis- 
cord and persecution revived in the 
southern colony. The high church party, 
during the administration of sir Na- 
thaniel Johnson, hy disputing elections 
and many dishonest measures, obtained 
a majority of one vote in the house of 
assembly; upon which they passed a law 
to disable dissenters from becoming 
members of the assembly, and another 
law for establishing the chureh of En- 
gland. When those laws were transmit- 
ted to England, they were ratified by 
the proprietors, notwithstanding the 
zealous opposition of Mr. Archdale. But 
the dissenters carried their remonstrance 
to the house of lords; and that right 
honourable body were pleased to address 


her majesty, queen Ann, praying that 
she would cause the laws to be repealed, 
as being made in direct violation of the 
chartered rights of the subject. They 
advised her also to cause proceedings 
to be had, by quo warranto, against the 
proprietors' charter. The laws were re- 
pealed by the proprietors, at her ma- 
jesty's command; but other steps were 
not taken at that time against the 

Thomas Harvey, in the character of 
deputy governor, once more discharged 
the duties of that office, when Archdale 
left the colony. Upon the death of Har- 
vey, in the year 1699, the administration 
was committed to Henderson Walker, 
who was chosen president of the council. 
He was a respectable lawyer, and had 
been some years a judge in the supreme 


Robert Daniel, a landgrave, was made 
president of the council in the year 
1703, upon the death of Walker, and 
was succeeded in the administration by 
Thomas Gary, who was deputy governor. 
The number of inhabitants had increas- 
ed greatly by peace and good order for 
the space of ten or twelve years. Settle- 
ments were formed on the waters of 
Neus and Taw* rivers. Bath county was 
also set off to the southward. 

The first plantations were formed upon 
Pamlico river in the year 1698; and there 
is reason to believe that the settlement 
of that district was not a little forwarded 
by the previous calamities of the Indian 
natives. Although the northern part of 

* Taw river, in the Indian language, signifies the 
river of health. This word, like most other Indian names, 
is corrupted. It is now called Tar river. Tarhunta is call- 
ed Nahunty; and Cotechna is Contentny. 


the colony had not suffered, at this time, 
by a general Indian war; there had ever 
been a want of friendship and confidence 
between the white people and the In- 
dians, who lived upon the waters of Taw 
river, Neus, and Trent. The Pamlico In- 
dians were a numerous tribe; and the 
Caronine Indians were distinguished by 
their barbarity. But the Pamlico Indians 
were nearly destroyed, in the year 1696, 
by a pestilential fever, that desolated 
their towns; and the Caronine Indians, 
about the same time, were humbled and 
greatly reduced by the arms of a more 
powerful nation. The colonists embraced 
that opportunity of forming settlements 
to the southward. 

The northern government, for many 
years, consisted of Albemarle county 
alone; for which there was a great seal, 
and all the different officers that are ne- 
cessary in a province. It was originally 

VOI/. i., x 


called by the lords proprietors, " our 
county of Albemarle in Carolina;" but in 
process of time, about the beginning of 
the eighteenth century, it was called" The 
colony of North Carolina." The governor 
in his commission was styled " governor, 
captain general, admiral, and commander 
in chief, of that part of our province 
of Carolina that lies northeast of Cape 
Fear."* In some of the first commis- 
sions, the government was described by 
" that p*art of Carolina which extends 
from Virginia to Pamlico river and five 
miles to the southward." The assembly 
in their acts called it the province of 
North Carolina. Although the county of 
Albemarle consisted, for many years, 
of four precincts that lay on the north 
side of the sound; other precincts were 

* In the year 1712 governor Hyde in his commission 
is called the governor of North Carolina. 


added, as the population increased. From 
the year 1738, the precincts were called 
counties; and the counties of Albemarle 
and Bath were no longer known. While 
money was scarce in the colony, it be- 
came necessary, in many cases, to re- 
ceive payment of quit-rents and other 
debts in such articles of country pro- 
duce, as were marketable and easily 
transported. The price of those several 
articles was fixed by acts of the assem- 
bly; at which they were a legal tender, 
except in cases where a special agree- 
ment had been made. When judgment 
was obtained in court, for damages to a 
certain amount, the entry was usually 
made in the docket with the following 
addition, " payable in deer skins, hides, 
tallow, or small furs, at country price." 
The proprietors had stores in the several 
precincts for the reception of country 
produce, which was paid them for lands 
or rents. This produce was shipped by 


their agents, for the West Indies, or sold 
at other markets. Such was the difficulty 
of collecting money or produce, in the 
disordered state of the colony, that as- 
signments were occasionally made of 
lands or quit-rents to public officers, 
to secure payment for their services.* 

While the fundamental constitutions 
retained the shadow of force, the legis- 
lative body was called a parliament; from 
the year 1693, it was called an assembly. 
We can readily perceive that the laws, 
made by the parliaments or the assem- 
blies, must have been unknown in many 
cases, or badly understood by the sub- 
ject; for they were not printed. Every 
new law was read in hearing of the 
people, at the next court after it had 

* The rent of land on Salmon creek was assigned by 
law to governor Ludwell for the payment of his salary. 


been made. In consequence of such pub- 
lication, the laws were supposed to be 
known. At a single session of the bien- 
nial assembly, fifty laws were made. The 
subject must have had a good memory, 
who could retain all those laws, although 
they were " openly read" at the next 
session of the general court. The ruling 
powers in England seem to have regard- 
ed knowledge as a dangerous plant in a 
distant province; else they would not 
have instructed lord Effingham, the go- 
vernor of Virginia, " not to suffer the use 
of a printing press on any occasion what- 
ever." It was a strange cause of grati- 
tude, for which sir William Berkeley gave 
thanks to Heaven, that " there was not 
a printing office in any of the southern. 
provinces." If ignorance was desirable, 
it should have prevented riots and rebel- 
lions in Virginia and the southern 
colonies. After the people had received 
better instruction, they became more ob- 


servant of the laws. The general assem- 
blies and the general courts, as well as 
the precinct courts, sat in private houses 
for many years; nor was there a court- 
house in North Carolina before the year 
1722. Rice and tar, which are primary 
articles in the staple of Carolina, were 
not contemplated by the first adventu- 
rers. They were introduced or promoted 
by incidents not foreseen. A ship, from 
Madagascar for London, chanced to touch 
at the bar below Charleston; and the cap- 
tain presented a fe>v quarts of seed rice 
to the governor, who made him a visit. 
Naval stores had been obtained by the En- 
glish nation from the Baltic; and the tar 
trade was chiefly monopolized by Swedish 
merchants. While England was contend- 
ing with France for the superiority at sea, 
those merchants not only demanded a 
very unreasonable price for their tar; but 
they claimed the exclusive privilege of 
transporting it to England, at a heavy 


freight. The nation was induced by those 
extortions to encourage the preparation 
of tar in the colonies. This was effected 
in the third of queen Ann (1704) by a 
considerable bounty. 

The first settlers were of different re- 
ligious denominations; and their zeal, for 
many years, was not sufficient to build 
churches or support public teachers. 
The majority, being dissenters, could 
not expect any support from govern- 
ment. Forty years had elapsed before the 
inhabitants of that colony began to per- 
secute one another in favour of an es- 
tablished church, and before they began 
to display their zeal for Christianity, by 
giving proofs that they had not a chris- 
tian temper. In the year 1702, the as- 
sembly passed a law, by which thirty 
pounds currency per annum were raised, 
in each precinct towards the support of 
a minister. In thfe following year the first 


episcopal minister arrived: he was chiefly 
supported at the expense of lord Wey- 
mouth. In the year 1705, the first church 
was built in Chowan precinct; and a 
larger church was huilt the following 
year in Perquimons. Two episcopal 
ministers arrived about this time. The 
province was afterwards divided by law 
into parishes, each precinct in general 
forming one parish. The people on Neus, 
and all the southern settlers, were then 
included in Craven parish. A magistrate, 
was authorized, by the same law, to join 
people in marriage, provided there was 
not a minister in the parish, otherwise 
he was subject to a fine of five pounds, 
for performing that service. Protestant 
dissenters were allowed, by another act, 
to ivor ship in public, subject in the mean 
time to such rules, regulations and re- 
strictions as were contained in the se- 
veral acts of parliament in England. 
Quakers were permitted by law to affirm 


instead of swearing; but they could not, 
by virtue of such affirmation, give evi- 
dence in any criminal case, or serve on a 
jury, or hold an office of profit or trust. 
These were the first departures, in the 
northern government, from the original 
engagement of the proprietors, on the 
subject of religion; but the spirit of in- 
tolerance grew stronger as the province 
increased; for the constant influence of 
patronage, and numerous emigrations 
from Virginia, had given the episcopa- 
lians a majority in the legislature. 

From the time in which the first set- 
tlements were made on Pasquetank, the 
conduct of the Indians had been friendly 
and inoffensive, when compared with 
their treatment of the first colonists, 
who attempted to form a settlement near 
the end of the sixteenth century. There 
had been some bickerings between the 

VOIi. I. Y 


white men and the Indians. There had 
heen complaints on both sides; but there 
had not been any general alarm that 
could restrain the progress of settling, 
nor any dispute that might be called war. 
The time was now at hand, in which the 
colony was destined to suffer by a double 
calamity, civil insurrection and an Indian 

Thomas Cary, who was deputy gover- 
nor, had also been collector of the pro- 
prietary quit-rents. As he had neglected 
to settle his accounts, the proprietors, 
by an instrument of writing, which they 
sent by John Porter, one of their depu- 
ties, removed him from the several offi- 
ces of deputy governor and receiver of 
rents. They instructed the council, at the 
same time, to choose a president by 
whom the government should be admin- 
istered. William Glover was chosen pre- 
sident at a meeting of the deputies, seven 


members being present.* Cary sat in 
council for a considerable time, and sub- 
mitted to the administration of Glover; 
but listening afterwards to bad advice, 
and forming a wrong estimate of his par- 
tisans, he attempted to resume the go- 
vernment by an armed force. In the 
midst of that dispute, Edward Hyde 
arrived, with the commission of lieuten- 
ant governor;! but Cary had commenced 
hostilities, and resolved to persevere. 
He alleged certain grievances as the 
cause of his resistance. Governor Hyde 
promised to redress the grievances of 
which he complained; but he would not 
disarm; for his object, as it commonly 
happens with insurgents, was very dif- 
ferent from what he pretended. Spots- 

* This was in May 1709. The deputies present were 
Glover, Cary, Porter, Forster, Gale, Lawson, and Mosely. 
The eighth deputy, Pollock, alone was absent. 

t He arrived 10th August 1710. 


wood, the governor of Virginia, sent a 
confidential messenger to confer with 
Cary, and offer his mediation to accom- 
modate differences, or at least to sus- 
pend all acts of violence, until the pro- 
prietors should signify their pleasure 
respecting the laws by which he pre- 
tended to be aggrieved.* But Cary was 
deaf to such advice; for he expected to 
get possession of the government. He 
was deluded by the successful robbery 
of Culpepper. He had a brigantine and 
a smaller vessel, in military array, in the 
bay of Edenton: the governor was in 
town; and Cary expected to carry him 
off. But he deceived himself, greatly, in 
expecting the success of Culpepper, with- 
out presenting his faction with similar 
temptations. There seldom has been a 
want of idle, indigent and dissolute men, 

* See Proofs and Explanations L. 


in any country, ready to assist in a riot 
or revolt; but the activity of those men 
is usually proportioned to their hopes 
of pay or plunder. Culpepper could pre- 
sent a full treasury and a considerable 
revenue to the avarice of his copatriots: 
they expected to share in the spoil; but 
Gary's chief object was to retain the trea- 
sure that was already in his hands. The 
object of his revolt did not reach the gene- 
ral passion of the multitude: they would 
not risk their livefe to gratify his ambition, 
or mend his fortune. He made an at- 
tempt upon Edenton; but he was repuls- 
ed without the loss of much blood. 
Finding himself too weak for offensive 
operations, he retired to Pamlico, near 
Bath, and began to fortify the house of 
one Roach, an English factor. That man 
had lately arrived in the province, and 
was courting popularity, in the usual 
mode, by opposing the government. He 
had a good supply of arms and ammuni- 


tion in his store, which he had imported 
for the Indian trade; and a competent 
supply of rum. By his assistance Cary 
was enabled to arm his associates; and, 
while they were protected by a stockade, 
they defied the officers of government, 
and suspended the operations of justice.* 

Though the citizens, in general, did 
not choose to commit themselves, by sup- 
porting Cary in his rebellion; few of, 
them were disposed to lend their assist- 
ance in bringing him to justice. They 
looked on with a criminal indifference. 
A strange distinction is frequently made 
between crimes; the order of nature be- 
ing reversed, and the smaller crime held 
in greatest contempt. Such are the effects 
of fashion, by which all laws, human and 
divine, have been suspended. A rioter 

* See Proofs and Explanations M. 


may insult the government and violate 
the laws; a smuggler may perjure him- 
self and defraud the treasury; but in 
many cases they proceed with impunity, 
because it has not been the fashion to 
restrain villains of this or the other class. 
But small thieves discover that every 
man is their enemy. When citizens re- 
fuse to discharge their social obligations. 
- in compliance with a vitious custom, 
they should not complain if a standing 
army is employed. When their liberties 
are invaded, by such an army, they must 
blame themselves. 

It was fortunate for North Carolina, 
that there chanced to be some regular 
troops in Virginia. The governor of that 
province, upon the application of gover- 
nor Hyde, sent a party of marines from 
the guard-ships that lay in Hampton 
road. Gary's partisans dispersed them- 
selves as the marines approached. Many 


of tliem were taken up by the civil offi- 
cers and prosecuted. Cary attempted to 
elude justice, by affecting to brave it. 
He went to Virginia with Truit, one of 
his associates, under the pretence of tak- 
ing his passage to England; but governor 
Spotswood, not believing that he had any 
design to visit the proprietors, caused 
them both to be apprehended and sent 
over in the Reserve and Tiger ships of 



Hyde, who was appointed governor 
the next year, issued a proclamation, 
according to his instructions, granting 
full pardon to all the late insurgents, 
except Thomas Cary, J John Porter, 

* See Proofs and Explanations N. 

$ Although Cary was not tried in England For his re- 
bellion, he was not relieved from the apprehension of 
trial and punishment, in Carolina, for many years. He 
feared that in case of conviction his estate would be for- 


and three other persons whom he 

feited, therefore he caused lands to be patented in the 
name of his infant son. 

Anno 1703, Albemarle sound was frozen over. Before 
the year 1708 only two persons had been executed for 
capital offences: viz. A Turk for murder and an old wo- 
man on the suspicion of witchcraft. 

VOL. I. Z 



THE population of North Carolina 
was increased, near the beginning of 
the eighteenth century, by two small co- 
lonies of foreign protestants, French and 
Germans. A colony of French hugue- 
nots, encouraged by king William, in the 
year 1690, had come to America and 
seated themselves at the Manakin town, 
in Yirginia, above the falls of James's 
river. Not well pleased with the lands 
they first occupied, and the greater part 
of Carolina being unappropriated, they 
removed to the southward, and seated 
themselves upon Trent river, with Ry- 
bourg their pastor.* They were sober, 

t In the year 1707. 

THE HISTORY, &c. 179 

frugal, industrious planters, and in a short 
time became independent citizens. 

The German colony was from Heidel- 
berg, and its vicinity, on the Rhine. Those 
unfortunate people had suffered persecu- 
tion, because they could not change their 
religious opinions, from time to time, so 
as to be in constant agreement with the 
ruling prince. The elector palatine, Fred- 
eric the Second, embraced the Lutheran 
faith. Frederic the Third became a Cal- 
vinist. Lodovic the Fifth restored the 
Lutheran church; his son and successor 
became a Calvinist. That prince was suc- 
ceeded in the government by a Catholic 
family, who oppressed the protestants. 

Those people had also the misfortune 
to live between powerful rivals, who were 
often at war. In the year 1622, count 
Tilly, the imperial general, took the city 
of Heidelberg and put five hundred of 


the inhabitants to the sword. In the year 
1634, the city was taken by Lewis the 
Fourteenth, and many of the inhabitants 
destroyed. In the year 1688, it was taken 
a second time by the French, who laid 
the inhabitants under a heavy contribu- 
tion; after which, at the approach of the 
imperial army, they blew up the citadel 
and reduced the city to ashes. The city, 
being rebuilt, was taken again by a 
French army, who committed it to the 
flames in the year 1693. The inhabitants, 
men, women, and children, about fifteen 
thousand, stripped of their property, were 
turned into the fields by night. Upon the 
retreat of the French army, the inhabi- 
tants were again prevailed upon to re- 
build the city, being promised liberty of 
conscience, and exemption from taxes 
for thirty years. After some time the 
elector, who seems to have believed that 
promises made to heretics should not be 


observed, began to persecute his pro- 
tectant subjects. The French army hav- 
ing again crossed the Rhine, the distress- 
ed Palatines, persecuted by their prince 
and plundered by a foreign enemy, fled 
to England, about six thousand of them, 
for protection, in consequence of en- 
couragement they had received from 
queen Ann.* 

Having pitched their tents at a small 
distance from London, they were sup- 
ported at the public expense until they 
could be shipped off for Ireland or the 
colonies. Christopher de Graffenried and 
Lewis Michell were attempting, about 
this time, to mend their fortunes by pur- 
chasing lands in some of the British 
colonies. Michell had been several years 
in America and had obtained some know- 

* By her proclamation 1708. 


ledge of the country.* The lords pro- 
prietors of Carolina had agreed with 
those gentlemenf that ten thousand acres 
of land should be laid off for them in one 
body between ISeus and Cape Fear, they 
paying twenty shillings for every hun- 
dred acres and six-pence the yearly quit- 
rent. The surveyor general was also in- 
structed to lay off an additional tract of 
one hundred thousand acres, which was 
to be reserved for them twelve years. 
One of them was to be gratified by a 
title when he should pay the usual price 
for five thousand acres of land. De Graf- 
fenried made the purchase and was crea- 

* This Michell was originally employed, by the Can- 
ton of Bern in Switzerland, to search for a large tract of 
vacant land on the frontiers of Pennsylvania, Virginia, or 
Carolina, to which they might send a colony. He spent 
some years in exploring the country. There was no 
scarcity of mountainous land, such as those people are ac- 
customed to; but they desi&ted from the project. 

t April 1709. 


ted a baron. This company, having se- 
cured the lands, wished to make them 
productive by settling them with tenants; 
and the poor Palatines presented them- 
selves as an object of speculation. Com- 
missioners had been appointed by the 
queen to collect and receive money for 
the use of the Palatines, and to provide 
them with settlements. Graffenried and 
Michell covenanted with those commis- 
sioners, that they would transport, to 
North Carolina, six hundred and fifty 
of the Palatines; about one hundred 
families; that they would lay off for 
each family two hundred and fifty acres 
of land, to be held five years with- 
out cost, and from that period at the 
annual rent of two-pence currency per 
acre. The Palatines were to be supplied 
twelve months, with necessary provi- 
sions, to be paid for at the end of the 
following year; and they were to be fur- 
nished, gratis, with tools sufficient for 


building houses. It was also stipulated 
that, within four months from their arri- 
val, they should be provided with a cer- 
tain number of cows, hogs, and sheep, 
which were to be paid for, at the end of 
seven years; and half the remaining 
issue was to be returned in lieu of in- 

The commissioners allowed five pounds 
sterling per head, for transporting the 
Palatines; and those people, who had 
each of them, young and old, received 
twenty shillings of the charitable collec- 
tions, made through the kingdom, lodged 
that money in the hands of Graffenried 
and Michell, to be returned them in Ca- 
rolina.* The Palatines arrived, in Decem- 
ber 1709, at the confluence of the rivers 
Neus and Trent, where they erected 
temporary shelters until they could be 

***0m m ir»TU'» i ■ ■ ■ ■" ■ ■■ — i ■ ■ ■— — ^w ■ ■■ —■ i n i wi ■»■»■ » 

* See Proofs and Explanations O. 


put in possession of their lands. The 
place on which they encamped was called 
New Bern, from Bern in Switzerland, 
where Graffenried was born. The Pala- 
tines had too much reason to complain 
of their trustees; for Graffenried, in whose 
name the lands were taken up, returned 
to Switzerland without giving them a 
title for their settlements. He mortgaged 
the lands to Thomas Pollock for eight 
hundred pounds sterling; and they pass- 
ed to the heirs of that gentleman.* The 
Palatines, in the mean time, being in- 
dustrious and living in a country where 
land was plenty and cheap, increased in 
number and acquired property. After 
many years, upon their petition to the 
king, they were in some measure indem- 

* Pollock, by a letter to Graffenried, sixteenth Feb- 
ruary, 1716, offered to return him the land, fifteen thou- 
sand acres, if he would repay the money. See letter 

TOL. I. 2 A 


nified, by a grant of land, ten thousand 
acres, free from quit-rents for ten years. 

The Indians, who lived upon the coast 
in Carolina, were divided into small 
tribes without any powerful confederacy. 
Upon every section of the bank, there 
was a tribe; and there were other small 
tribes within the sound. Those Indians, 
having a plentiful supply of fish, depend- 
ed less upon venison, bears' flesh and 
other wild game, than their brethren who 
lived farther from the coast. This seems 
to have been one of the reasons why so 
much land was taken up and settlements 
formed, more than sixty years, before the 
first Indian war. Another reason, for the 
long continuance of peace, may be traced 
from the situation and temper of the 
first settlers: they were not under the 
protection of government; they came 
among the Indians as suppliants who 
asked favours, not as masters who claim- 


ed rights. Their conduct was inoffensive 
as their language. They purchased the 
soil, paid the stipulated price, and shun- 
ned every cause of hostility. The conduct 
of their successors, for many years, was 
equally inoffensive. The Indians had 
once and again, by particular treaties, 
reserved for themselves a square of three 
or four miles, including their towns. The 
white people, hy encroaching upon those 
reservations, had caused disputes; and 
other disputes, not less serious, had been 
excited by strong drink. Governor Daniel, 
in the year 1703, apprehending bad con- 
sequences from drunken affrays, stipu- 
lated with the Indian chiefs, in a solemn 
treaty, that " no rum should be sold to 
an Indian by any trader." By this regu- 
lation he expected to prevent frauds, 
disputes, and war. But the young Indians 
complained of the treaty as a restraint 
on their natural liberty. They claimed 
the privilege of destroying themselves; 


they demanded and obtained the usual 
supply of rum. At the period to which I 
refer, we search in vain for the numerous 
Indian tribes, who lived near the coast in 
Carolina, when sir Walter Raleigh ob- 
tained his patent for that country. In the 
progress of one hundred and twenty 
years, they had vanished, from the con- 
suming touch of ardent spirits, like snow 
beneath a vertical sun. The Chowanokes, 
who could bring three thousand bowmen 
into the field, were now reduced to fif- 
teen men, who lived in a small town 
near the mouth of Bennet's creek. The 
Moratock Indians, a numerous tribe, had 
disappeared; and the Mangoacks, who 
numbered three thousand bowmen, were 
now reduced within the compass of a 
small village. Fifteen hundred volunteers, 
from the Indians who lived on the waters 
of Currituck, on the north side of Albe- 
marle sound, had assembled at Dasamon- 
quipoto assist at the projected massacre of 


the little colony, upon Roanoke island; 
but all the tribes, to which those Indians 
belonged, were now reduced to forty-six 
fencible men. The Tuskarora Indians, 
Who lived on the waters of Neus, Con- 
tentny and Taw rivers, were the only 
powerful nation with whom the white in- 
habitants of North Carolina, had any in- 
tercourse. They could muster twelve 
hundred fighting men.* They lived at 
a great distance from the old settlements, 
and had not suffered much by the use of 
strong drink; but they had not observed 
with indifference the advances lately 
made towards their country; nor had they 
observed, without jealousy and fear, the 
encroachments that were made upon the 
reserved lands of small insulated tribes, 
during the late period of anarchy and 
confusion. John Lawson, who had lived 

* See Proofs and Explanations P. 


some years near Bath, was generally 
known among the Indians. He had lately 
been appointed surveyor general; and in 
the discharge of his duty he excited the 
jealousy of those people; for he had mark- 
ed off some of their lands. One tract of 
five thousand acres, and one of ten thou- 
sand acres, had lately been surveyed for 
Graffenried. The Indians, always suspi- 
cious, could not regard the advances of 
settlement, and the late surveys made 
on their lands in any other light than so 
many strokes at their independence. They 
had much reason to be dissatisfied with 
the approaches of the colonists; and their 
tempers were greatly soured by the fre- 
quent impositions of fraudulent traders. 
Lawson was the first who fella sacrifice 
to their jealousy. Being a diligent offi- 
cer, and anxious to serve the proprietors, 
he resolved to explore the lands upon the 


river Neus.* For this purpose he took a 
small boat at New Bern, and accompani- 
ed by baron de Graffenried he proceeded 
up the river. In the evening of the first 
day they stopped at an Indian town, near 
the river, where they intended to lodge. 
As they were not kindly received by the 
Indians, they resolved to return to their 
boat; but they were detained by the In- 
dians and roughly treated. Upon a so- 
lemn trial before a numerous assembly, 
the next day, they made a plausible ex- 
cuse, for their journey into the Indian 
country, and were seemingly acquitted; 
but new complaints being made on the 
following day, especially against Lawson, 
sentence of death passed upon them 
both. Baron Graffenried had the good 
fortune to save his life by a claim of 
rank, or the difference of country. He 

* Graffenried calls it « the New river," certainly by a 


alleged that he was not of the English 
nation, like the other inhabitants of Ca- 
rolina, but the king or chief of a small 
inoffensive tribe, who had lately settled 
at the mouth of Trent. Lawson was put 
to death; but Graffenried, from a regard 
to his rank, his nation, or his innocence, 
was suffered to escape.* There is no 
reason to believe that the Indians had 
contemplated a general war before Law- 
son fell into their hands; but having 
killed a public officer, and a respectable 
subject, they resolved to proceed; for a 
retreat was hardly practicable, 

" They were in blood, 

Stept in so far." 

In that case, they formed the barba- 
rous resolution of murdering, in one day, 
all the settlers to the southward of Al- 
bemarle sound. Graffenried was detained 

* See Proofs and Explanations Q. 


among them until they should have fin- 
ished the hloody work. Having divided 
themselves into small parties, six or 
seven in a company, they entered the 
settlement upon the twenty-second of Sep- 
tember, and put whole families to death.* 
One hundred and thirty persons fell, on 
that memorable day, by the hatchet. 
The Indians, to shun suspicion, did 
not come with their fire-arms: they trust- 
ed to their tomahawks; but the strata- 
gem had not the desired effect; for it 
was not possible to strike every family 
at the same hour; and many of the set- 
tlers being in the woods or fields, the 
alarm in a short time became general, 
and people defended themselves in their 
houses. Graffenried in some manner se- 
cured his people by a treaty that he 
made with the Indians, while he was a 

* The anniversary of the Indian massacre in 1711 was 
solemnized for many years, according to an act of assem- 
bly, as a day of fasting and prayer. 
VOL. I. 2 B 


prisoner;* but the other inhabitants of 
Bath county, from that day, were in con- 
stant danger of being scalped by the In- 
dians, or starved to death by hunger. 
North Carolina did not contain two thou- 
sand fencible men at the time of that 
massacre. The inhabitants in general had 
been disturbed, and many of them had 
fled to Virginia, during Cary's rebellion. 
In this weak and divided state of the 
colony, it became necessary to claim as- 
sistance from South Carolina. The legis- 
lature of that colony immediately granted 
an aid of four thousand pounds; and they 
detached colonel Barnwell with a small 
party of white men, and a considerable 
body of Indians, who were of the Che- 
rokee, Creek, and Catawba, nations. The 
colonel, in different actions, killed fifty 
of the Cores, Bear River, Neus or Matta- 
muskeet Indians, and took two hundred 
. . . i ii ■ 

* See Proofs and Explanations Q. 


women and children prisoners. He also 
killed about thirty of the Tuskarora In- 
dians. A considerable body of those In- 
dians, near six hundred, had inclosed 
themselves in a fort, at a small distance 
from Neus. The colonel, who was pro- 
vided with two field pieces, made regular 
approaches to the fort. Michel], his engi- 
neer, one of the Swiss adventurers, had 
run a parallel within thirty-three feet of 
the palisades, and had prepared fagots to 
fill the intermediate space: the Indians, 
who had been principals in the late mas- 
sacre, were chiefly in that fort, and must 
have surrendered at discretion in a few 
hours; but colonel Barnwell made peace 
with them while their affairs were in this 
critical situation, and suffered them to es- 
cape. In a few days, those very Indians re- 
newed hostilities. A bad understanding had 
lately subsisted between governor Hyde 
and colonel Barnwell. The colonel wished 
to throw the odium of the Indian war 


upon Hyde; for lie was making interest 
to supplant him in the government. How 
many of our species are sacrificed to the 
ambition, the avarice, or malice, of con- 
temptible individuals! 

Upon the death of governor Hyde, the 
next year, Thomas Pollock was chosen 
president.* That gentleman had been 
twenty years the deputy of lord Carteret 
or his father, and was much esteemed for 
his integrity. During his administration, 
in a letter to the lords proprietors, he 
drew a full length portrait of the colony 
with dark colorings. 

"The subject laboring under every 
calamity by which a vitious, ignorant and 
obstinate people can be punished; civil 
contentions, which have risen to the shed- 
ding of blood; general poverty; short 

* Twelfth of September 1712. 


crops; a sickly season; and a dangerous 
Indian war. The people on Neus and 
Pamlico rivers are generally ruined, 
their houses and furniture burned, their 
whole stock of cattle, horses, and hogs, 
killed or carried off by the Indians, while 
the families were pent up in the forts. 
All the inhabitants, on the south and 
southwest of Chowan river, are secured 
in forts. Provisions for the army and the 
inhabitants, on Neus and Pamlico, are 
sent from Albemarle. The forces on those 
rivers under colonel Mitchell and colonel 
M'Kee, not above one hundred and forty. 
The Tuskarora Indians, numerous and 
well provided with arms and ammunition, 
expect assistance from the Five Nations or 
Senekas. Hence they are confident of suc- 
cess; while the subjects of North Caro- 
lina are dispirited, undisciplined, timo- 
rous, disobedient, and divided; they, who 
are in the service, ill provided with clo- 
thing and not able to buy." 


Colonel Barnwell had returned to South 
Carolina, immediately after his impru- 
dent or deceitful treaty; and the Indians 
having renewed the war, a second appli- 
cation was made to the government of 
South Carolina for assistance. Applica- 
tion was also made to the government of 
Virginia; and the legislature of that pro- 
vince, with some difficulty, were prevail- 
ed upon to grant one hundred and eighty 
pounds for purchasing dufiils to clothe 
the North Carolina troops, and one thou- 
sand pounds to be employed in raising 
forces if necessary. They were not raised. 
The defence of Bath county, in the mean 
while, rested on the troops who are men- 
tioned in the president's letter, and on 
twenty Yammassee Indians, commanded 
by colonel M'Kee, who, by their zeal and 
activity, were a terror to the hostile tribes. 
As it was not possible for those men to 
guard the settlement at all points, the 
Mattamuskeet and Core Indians killed, 


or made prisoners during the winter, 
forty-three of the inhabitants of Roanoke 
island, Croatan or Alligator; for the Tus- 
karora Indians, the original aggressors, 
had persuaded four of the smaller tribes 
to join them. The governor of South Ca- 
rolina was not tardy in sending the suc- 
cors, that had been requested. Colonel 
Moore, an active young officer, whose 
father had lately been governor of that 
colony, arrived on the first of December, 
with forty white men and eight hundred 
Ashley Indians. 

They marched to Albemarle sound, and 
continued there some weeks; for the ne- 
cessary provisions had not been ready at 
Bath. About the twentieth of January, 
they took up their march for Taw river, 
where they were detained to the fourth of 
February by a deep snow. The Tuskarora 
Indians had forted themselves to shun 
the Ashley Indians, who pressed them 


hard in the woods. They took their po- 
sition upon a plain, on the side of a creek, 
about one mile froni Cotechney, and fifty 
miles from the mouth of that river. In 
order to secure themselves against artil- 
lery, they sunk square pits in the ground, 
about six feet deep. Those pits were co- 
vered with poles and separated from one 
another by a natural wall of earth. The 
whole was surrounded by palisades. 
There was also a proper supply of corn 
in the fort; but those pesple, who in other 
respects secured themselves with some 
degree of prudence, had not any water 
within the palisades. They trusted to a 
trench of communication with the adja- 
cent brook. This oversight proved fatal 
to many of them, for colonel Moore sta- 
tioned some of his troops on the other 
side of the brook, so as to rake the trench 
when the enemy came for water. There 
was but one passage by which the Indians 
might attempt to escape with any pros* 


pect of success. In that direction the co- 
lonel huilt a small redoubt. As the In- 
dians were well supplied with small arms, 
colonel Moore broke ground at a res- 
pectable distance from the fort, and ad- 
vanced by regular approaches until he 
entered their works.* Eight hundred In- 
dians of the Tuskarora tribe were taken 
prisoners. The Ashley Indians claimed 
them as the reward of their services; and 
six hundred of those people immediately 
returned to South Carolina, with the pri- 
soners, to sell them for slaves. There 
were twenty-two white men killed during 
the siege and twenty-nine wounded. Thir- 
ty-six of the auxiliary Indians were killed 
and fifty wounded. 

* This fort, called Naharuke, was taken the twenty-sixth 
of March 1713. The Indians immediately deserted an- 
other fort that they had finished. They were taught the 
folly of standing a siege. 

VOfc. i. 2 c 


After that decisive stroke, the Tuska- 
rora Indians, of the eastern division, sued 
for peace, which was granted on terms 
that were very humiliating, viz. 

1. The Tusks shall deliver twenty In- 
dians who shall he named, who were the 
chief contrivers of the massacre, and who 
took Law son and Graffenried. 

2. They shall restore all their prisoners, 
also the horses, cattle, arms, and goods, 
thev have taken from the inhabitants. 

3. They shall pursue the Cotechnee 
and Mattamuskeet Indians as enemies. 

4. They shall deliver two hostages for 
each of their towns. 

King Blount's chief town was on the 
east side of Taw river, about twenty miles 
above Washington. He continued, from 
that period, faithfully attached to the co- 
lony. His people had entered, with some 
reluctance, into the war; for they were 


better acquainted with the white people, 
than their brethren, who lived to the 
westward. During the following summer, 
king Blount brought in thirty scalps of 
the enemy Indians; but the greater part 
of the Tuskarora nation, unable to con- 
tend and unwilling to submit, removed 
to the northward, and joined the Seneka 
and other confederate tribes, on the fron- 
tiers of New York.* They constitute one 
of the tribes who are now called the Six 
Nations. From that time, hostilities were 
continued with little success, by the 
Cores and Mattamuskeet Indians. King 
Blount and his people vexed them ex- 
ceedingly, by taking many of them pri- 
soners. The fate of those people was the 

* This migration of the Tuskarora Indians and other 
migrations of Indian tribes, that are well attested, do not 
accord with lord Karnes's observation, that " Savages are 
remarkably attached to their native soil." 


more degrading; for they were uniformly 
sold as slaves. f 

Peace was made, in February 1715, with 
the Cores and other enemy Indians, who 
were permitted to live at Mattamuskeet, 
on the condition, that a commissioner 
should reside among them, to inspect 
their conduct. 

North Carolina had not been three 
months at peace, before an Indian war 
broke out in the southern colony. Assist- 
ance was immediately requested; and co- 
lonel Moore was despatched by land, 
with fifty men to their relief. The Tuska- 
rora Indians were to have settled between 
Neus and Taw rivers; but they conceiv- 
ed themselves in danger, after the south- 
ern Indians had commenced hostilities; 

t See Proofs and Explanations Q q. 


wherefore they ohtained permission to 
settle on the north side of Roanoke river 
above Windsor; where the remains of 
that nation continued to live to the year 
1803 on lands reserved for them. 

The assembly found it necessary, dur- 
ing the Indian war, to issue eight thou- 
sand pounds in bills of credit;* and those 
bills were made payable in discharge of 
all debts that had been contracted for 
rated commodities. That law, which al- 
tered the nature of contracts, was soon 
observed to have injurious effects. The 
money depreciated; and the assembly in 
vain attempted to raise its value, by a 
petition to the proprietors, intreating 
them to receive that paper in payment 
for their lands. f The receivers of quit- 

* June 1713. 

t During the infant state of the colony, the proprietors 
sold their land at twenty shillings the hundred acres, and 


rents and other proprietary dues, did not 
refuse country produce at the price fixed 
by law; but they would not receive paper 
currency, for it could not be remitted to 
England; nor would a single member of 
the assembly receive it, at the nominal 
value, for any article that could be re- 

We have seen the inhabitants of North 
Carolina agitated by civil commotions, 
oppressed by their governors and assailed 
by a barbarous enemy; but the weight of 
those several calamities will be more 
correctly estimated by attending to the 
progress of population. The number of 
taxable inhabitants in the year 1676, little 
more than twelve years after the charter 

six-pence quit-rent. They raised the price in the year 
1694 to thirty shillings the hundred. And in the year 1711 
they advanced the price to forty shillings the hundred, 
and one shilling quit-rent. 


was granted, has been stated at fourteen 
hundred. Fifty-three years had now elaps- 
ed since the proprietary government was 
in operation; great additions should have 
been made in that time, by natural in- 
crease, beside the German and French 
colonies that have been mentioned, and 
the numerous adventurers, who arrived 
from the northern colonies, and from the 
mother country; but the whole number 
of taxable inhabitants in the year 1717 
did not exceed two thousand.* This fact 
alone is a sufficient proof that the admin- 
istration of government had been ex- 
tremely bad. We formerly observed that 
Culpepper's insurrection, and the tyran- 

* This could hardly imply thirteen hundred fencible in- 
habitants. For it is believed that one third of the taxables 
were slaves. And though free men, of sixteen years, were 
taxable, it does not follow that lads of sixteen years can 
endure the hardships of a campaign. It consists with the 
writer's observation, that a great proportion of those, in 


ny of Sothel, had banished from the co- 
lony almost half of the inhabitants. The 
anarchy that was effected by Cary, and 
the subsequent Indian war, do not ap- 
pear to have been less fatal to the state 
of population People had fled from Ca- 
rolina, in such numbers, during the war, 
that the governor issued a proclamation, 
for the purpose of preventing the general 
desertion of the colony. And the gover- 
nor of Virginia, by his proclamation, or- 
dered that all fugitives from Carolina, 
without a pass, should be apprehended 
and sent back. The temperature of the 
climate in Carolina was so inviting, the 
soil was so fertile, and the means of living 
so easy, that the inhabitants must have 
been very numerous, at the period to 
which we refer, if the government had 

the southern states, who sunk under the fatigue of mili- 
tary service, during the revolution war, were young men 
under nineteen years of age. 


been administered, with any degree of 
wisdom. The farmer was not constrained 
to make any provision for his cattle in 
the winter, for they found a sufficient 
supply in the woods; and flocks of wild 
cattle became the subjects of profitable 
game to the hunter. After settlements 
had been formed to the southward of Al- 
bemarle sound, the inhabitants of Bath 
county claimed, and were allowed by go- 
vernment, the exclusive privilege of kill- 
ing wild cattle in that part of the country. 
We have seen the pestilential effects of 
bad officers; and it will be granted that 
in some cases, the lords proprietors were 
not to blame; for they had been deceived; 
but in other cases they showed a crimi- 
nal indiscretion. They commissioned men 
of suspected or bad characters. It ap- 
pears upon record, that in the year 1701, 
John Porter prosecuted Christopher But- 
ler for calling him " a cheating rogue." 
Butler admitted the words charged in 
vol. i. 2 n 


the indictment, and justified. He was ac- 
quitted by the jury; and Porter was order- 
ed to pay costs. After a few years, this very 
Porter was made deputy to one of the 
proprietors, and consequently a member 
of the council. His virtues were not im- 
proved by his rank; for he associated with 
Cary in his rebellion. The proprietors 
were not less unfortunate in their choice 
of measures than of men. The governors 
had a standing instruction, not to assent 
to any law, that was to continue in force 
more than two years. The object of this 
instruction was to prevent the possible 
continuance of a bad law; but the mea- 
sure, in many cases, prevented the benefit 
of good laws. The governor, who knew in 
what manner the laws were estimated, 
frequently refused his assent to the re- 
newal of a good law, unless he should re- 
ceive a particular douceur for that ser- 
vice. The assembly, in some cases, ob- 
jected to his terms; and the inhabitants 


suffered by the indiscreet regulation. 
In a government that was long agitated 
by civil commotions, it is not to be sup- 
posed, that the morals of the inhabi- 
tants, in private life, were very cor- 

* March 1720. The grand jury presented thirty-six per- 
sons, viz. seven for drunkenness, eight for profane swear- 
ing, seven for breaking the sabbath, four for adultery, five 
for stealing or mismarking hogs, three for breaking the 
peace, and two for selling liquor without license. 



PAGE 7. 

VV HEN Harold Harfagus, in the ninth century, made 
himself master of all Norway, which had formerly been 
divided into many kingdoms, the Norwegian nobility, 
many of them, impatient of a superior fled to Iceland, 
Shetland and the Orkneys. Ingulf a nobleman, of some 
consideration, removed to Iceland in the year 879, with 
a small colony. That island was sufficiently known; for 
it had been visited by fishermen or sea rovers, who, for 
two or three hundred years, had covered the northern 
ocean. He found a wooden cross on the south shore, and 
a thick forest of birch trees, but no inhabitants. 

In the year 982, Eric, the son of Torwald, whose 
father had fled from Norway, being himself obliged to 
flee from Iceland, settled a small colony in Greenland, 
which had lately been discovered. The name given to this 
cold region was seductive; and the colony increased con- 
siderably until the year 1348, when a great proportion 
of the inhabitants were cut off by a pestilential disease, 


The present savage inhabitants of Greenland have a 
tradition concerning that colony, and retain part of their 

In the year 1001, Biarm, the son of Herial a Nor- 
wegian Icelandei', sailing for Greenland without a pilot, 
the wind blowing at north for some days, fell in with 
land to the westward that was flat and covered with 
trees; on which he did not land; for it did not answer 
the description of Greenland. After his return to Ice- 
land, having described the flat country he had seen, Lief 
the son of Eric, who had discovered Greenland, sailed 
in quest of the land Biarm had discovered. He soon 
reached the coast, and running along it some days, he 
found a river which he entered. The river abounded in 
salmon, the air temperate, and the soil good. Here he 
discovered native grapes; whence he named the country 
Vinland. The adventurers erected houses and spent the 
winter among the natives, who were small inoffensive 
men. They had canoes fit for a single person, when 
hs went a fishing. Some years after this discovery, 
Torsin a rich Icelander with his wife, five other women, 
and sixty sailors, much cattle, provisions, and implements 
of husbandry, formed a settlement in Vinland. The 
natives traded with them, bringing furs, sables and small 
white skins. Torsin returned home after three years, 
with a valuable cargo of furs and raisins. The fame of 
: his riches induced other adventurers to visit the colony; 


and the intercourse between that country and Greenland, 
Iceland or Norway seems to have continued for many 

In the year 1121, Eric, a bishop of Greenland, visited 
the colony, probably with little success; and since that 
time, the civilized inhabitants of Greenland being lost, 
those of Iceland greatly reduced, and the northern na- 
tions greatly weakened by pestilence and internal feuds, 
all remembrance of Vinland is obliterated. It seems to 
have been the Labrador coast. 

Mallet's Northern Antiq. Tarfei. Greenl. Ant. 

N. B. The small illiterate inhabitants of Vinland, 
Greenland, and Iceland, who were discovered there,, in 
the ninth and tenth centuries, had doubtless passed over 
from the old continent, in the same manner that we 
have seen the Norwegians pass; but the memory of 
those events is lost by the want of letters. 



PAGE 8. 

It can hardly be questioned that the Indians of South 
America are descended from a class of the Hindoos, in 
the southern parls of Asia. The remarkable difference 
between the Indians of Mexico and those of Peru, when 
first discovered by the Spaniards, naturally induced an 
opinion that they were descended from nations who 
differed very much from one another in their manners. 
The Mexicans were ferocious and cruel. The Peruvians 
were mild in their disposition, and better versed in 
useful arts. Upon a further acquaintance with those 
people, it appears that the northern Indians in general 
alleged that their ancestors came from the northwest- 
ward. From this and from other circumstances we pre- 
sume that they crossed over the narrow seas, in small 
craft, in high latitudes, from Asia to America. But the 
Peruvian Indians had no such means of coming from 
the other continent. Unless they descended from the 
northern Indians, they must have come by a long 
passage; and every thing we know concerning those 
Indians strengthens the opinion that they came from 
India. The passage as we observe must have been 
very long; but it is fully ascertained by modern dis- 
coveries, that the Hindoos two or three thousand years 


ago were good astronomers and were interested in 
foreign commerce by sea. In the Vedas, a book of the 
Hindoos that, as they say, contains all kinds of know- 
ledge, there is a law for regulating the intetrest of 
money in all cases, except in the case of bottomry, or 
money advanced on the security of ships bound on 
distant voyages. No such exception could have been 
made, except by a nation that was concerned in mari- 
time commerce. That nation, as we presume, planted a 
colony in South America. 

It is known that the Incas of Peru, the royal family, 
traced their descent from the sun, which they wor- 
shipped, wherefore they refused to mix their blood with 
other families. But it is also known that a royal family 
in India, for many ages, alleged that they were chil- 
dren of the sun. From that family, as we presume, the 
Incas of Peru borrowed the pretence of solar ancestry. 

We shall state another fact, from the authority of sir 
William Jones, that renders the descent of the Peruvian 
Indians from Indostan nearly certain. The Hindoos cele- 
brate a chieftain, of the highest respectability, who reign- 
ed in Ayodha. He was the last king in the silver age, who 
was descended from the sun. His name was Rama. His 
wife, Sita, was forcibly carried off by a giant; but after 
she escaped from her captivity she established her chas- 
tity by the fire ordeal. She became a favourite among 

Vol. I. 2 E 


the women; and the fire ordeal of Sita is celebrated to 
this day among the Hindoos. But the chief festival 
among the Peruvians was called Ramasitva. This in- 
cludes the name of the Hindoo sun-born king and his 



PAGE 29. 

Abstract of Sir Walter Raleigh's Letters Patent. 
The usual tautology and repetitions being omitted. 

Elizabeth by the grace of God, queen, &x. To all 
persons to whom these presents shall come. Know ye, 
that of our especial favour, we give to our trusty and 
well beloved servant Walter Raleigh, Esq. and to his 
heirs and assigns, free liberty to search for and find such 
remote and barbarous lands, not possessed by any chris- 
tian people, as to him may seem good, and the same to 
occupy and enjoy for ever, with all prerogatives, fran- 
chises, jurisdictions, royalties and preeminences there- 
unto which we, by our letters patent, may grant. 

And we give liberty and authority to him and them, 
to take, and leave to inhabit such countries, so many of 
our subjects, as shall willingly accompany him or them. 

And he or they shall hold and enjoy all the soil of the 
countries, thus to be discovered, with full power to dis- 
pose of the same, or any part of it, in fee-simple or 
otherwise, to any persons, they remaining in our alle- 
giance; reserving to ourselves one fifth of all the gold 
or silver there to be discovered. Which countries shall 


be held of us, by homage, and by said fifth part for all 

We give him and them authority to encounter and 
repel any persons who, without his or their license, 
shall attempt to settle within said countries; or within 
the space of two hundred leagues of the place where 
he or any of his associates shall make their abode within 
six years next ensuing; giving him authority to surprise 
and take all such persons with their ships and furniture. 

And we grant that the heirs of all our liege subjects, 
natives of England or Ireland, who may reside in such 
countries, shall enjoy all the privileges of persons born 
in England. 

And we grant, for the preservation of peace and good 
order, that he or they shall have power and authority to 
correct, punish, govern and rule, by their discretion, as 
well in capital as civil cases, all such persons as may 
inhabit such countries, according to such statutes and 
laws as they may devise, so always that such statutes 
and laws agree, as nearly as may be, to the laws of En- 
gland, and not against the christian faith. 

We give authority to our lord high treasurer, or to 
any four of our privy council, to permit the said Walter 
Raleigh or his associates, from time to time, to export 


from this realm all such goods and commodities as may 
be thought necessary or conducive to their relief and 

Provided always that if he or they, or any of them, 
shall at any time rob or spoil, by sea or land, or commit 
any unlawful hostility against the subjects of any poten- 
tate with whom we are at peace, and when thereunto 
required by us, shall neglect to make full satisfaction, 
within the limited time, to the party injured, he or they 
may be put out of our protection, in which case it may 
be permitted to such potentate, to pursue them with 
hostility, as not being our subjects. 

Witness ourselves at Westminster the five and twen- 
tieth day of March, in the six and twentieth year of our 
reign, Anno 1518. 



PAGE 81. 

A short account of Bacon's rebellion in the years 1675, 
1676, extracted from an original manuscript addressed 
to the right honourable Robert Harley, principal secre- 
tary of state to queen Ann, dated 13th July, 1705, and 
written at the request of Mr. Harley by T. M. The 
manuscript was lately found among Mr. Haiiey's papers. 

The writer, who signed the initials of his name, re- 
sided in London. He was a merchant at the date of his 
letter, but he had been a planter in Virginia at the time 
of the rebellion. He lived in Northumberland county 
and had a farm, slaves and cattle in Stafford county on 
the Potowmac, which county he represented, in the 
house of burgesses in the year 1675-6. 

A poor man, Robert Henn, was killed by the Indians 
in his own house, at break of day, early in the spring, 
in the year 1675. He only lived to tell some people, 
who came to the house, that he had been struck by In- 
dians called the Doegs. They were a small tribe who 
lived on the Maryland side of the Potowmac, about 
four miles from the river. Colonel Mason of the militia 
and captain Brent with thirty or forty privates, imme- 


diately pursued those Indians. They went up the river 
twenty miles, crossed it and came to the cabins of the 
Doegs the next night before day. They killed the king 
and ten of his people; the rest fled. 

After that action, sundry murders were committed in 
Stafford and some in Maryland by Indians unknown. 
Armed boats were employed on the river to prevent 
Indians from crossing. A tribe of Indians called Pascat- 
aways who lived on the Maryland side were strongly 
suspected. Those Indians lived in a fort made of large 
stakes wattled. One thousand men, who were raised in 
Virginia and Maryland, in the opposite counties, near 
those Indians, marched to the fort. Four of the Indians 
came out of the fort to inquire their business; but those 
Indians were put to death. The fort was besieged to 
little purpose; for it was musket proof, and the militia 
had no artillery. After a siege of six weeks, the Indians, 
seventy-five in number, with their wives and children, 
escaped in the night. Those Indians passed to the south- 
ward and killed several people, on the western frontier, 
before they came to the falls of James's river, where 
they killed the overseer of Mr. Bacon and one of his 
servants. Massacres by the Indians became frequent; and 
small families fled from the outer settlements. Houses 
in general near the frontier were fortified by palisades; 
and no man stirred abroad unarmed; for small parties 
of Indians were seen, lurking about every day. People 


who lived far up James' and York rivers suffered most 
by the Indians who fled from Potowmac. Frequent appli- 
cations were made to the governor sir William Berkley 
for assistance, who promised but sent none. The set- 
tlers on those rivers rose in a body, chose Bacon their 
commander, and sent to the governor for a commission, 
offering to go against the Indians at their own expense. 
A commission was promised once and again; but none 
was sent, nor was the cause of such neglect ever stated. 
The governor was deemed to be avaricious and irascible. 
He may have been on that occasion somewhat jealous. 
The people wearied by evasions resolved to march, 
about three hundred of them militia officers and others 
by a certain day without a commission unless one could 
be obtained; for which they made another application. 
No commission was sent; but the people marched to- 
wards the frontier in search of the Indians. The go- 
vernor issued a proclamation declaring them all rebels 
who should not return by a certain day. Men who had 
the best estates chiefly returned; but Bacon with fifty- 
seven men advanced while their provisions lasted. They 
found no enemy Indians. Their provisions being ex- 
pended, they came to a fort of Indians who were called 
friendly and offered to buy provisions. The Indians pro- 
mised them a supply; but no supply was brought for 
three days. The men nearly starving suspected the In- 
dians of treachery and took provisions by force out of 
the fort. In that action many of the Indians were killed, 


and three of the white men. The party returned to their 
respective homes. Bacon halted at his farm near the 
fells of James's river. 

This Bacon was a man of fine talents, not above thirty 
years of age. He had been bred to the law in London 
and came out with the prospect of inheriting the estate 
of colonel Bacon, a rich uncle, who was childless, and a 
member of the governor's council. Bacon had married a 
rich widow in Jamestown, the seat of government; 
had already become a member of the council, and being 
a man of pleasing address, had become very popular. 

Writs were issued by the governor, soon after the 
expedition last mentioned, for choosing members of 
assembly; and Bacon was chosen one of the members for 
the county, near the falls, where his farm was; for the 
governor by proclamation had declared him to be expel- 
led from the council. t . 

Coming down the river to attend the assembly, Bacon 
was arrested by the sheriff of Jamestown, and carried 
before the governor, who immediately paroled him. On 
the next day, Bacon read a paper in the presence of the 
governor, the council and assembly, expressing his 
penitence for his late illegal proceedings; and the go- 
vernor declared that he was pleased with that mark of 
repentance, and said that he pardoned Bacon and all hft 

Vol. T. 2 F 


late adherents. He added, that in the case of good beha- 
viour, Mr. Bacon in a fewmonths might expect to resume 
his seat at the council board. On the very next day, Bacon 
was seen in his former seat at the council board. This 
sudden mark of kindness in the governor had not been 
expected; but it was afterwards explained in a manner 
not much to the governor's honor. The late expendi- 
ture of public money had not been well accounted forj 
people had become clamorous; and it was not improba- 
ble that Bacon, a popular man, and good speaker in the 
house of burgesses, might carry a vote of inquiry in 
opposition to the governor's partisans; therefore he was 
removed from that house. 

The assembly proceeded to business; and on the next 
day a motion was made to inspect the public revenue 
and the collector's accounts, for taxes were heavy; but a 
message was received from the governor ordering them 
not to do any thing before the Indian business should be 
finished. A committee being then appointed to consider 
of Indian affairs, a motion was made to request two of 
the council to sit with the committee. This motion 
was objected to by T. M. who was a new member, and 
presumed that their assistance was unnecessary; but the 
motion was carried. Those men, in fact, sat as spies. 
The assembly were employed some days in fixing the 
quota to be furnished by the several counties toward the 
Indian war. While they were thus engaged it was, one 


morning, reported, to their astonishment, that Bacon had 
fled. Mr. T. M. immediately called upon Mr. Lawrence 
a particular friend of Mr. Bacon, to inquire the truth of 
the story. This Lawrence formerly of Oxford, a man of 
learning and fair character, had been hardly treated by 
the governor in behalf of a corrupt favorite in a suit at 
law for a considerable estate. Such at least was the in- 
formation T. M. received from colonel Lee a member 
of the council. It followed that the governor and Mr. 
Lawrence did not love one another. It has been observ- 
ed that Mr. Bacon made his submission to the governor 
by reading a paper that he is supposed to have read at 
the request of his uncle Nathaniel Bacon, by whom it 
was written. But the governor had not been candid in 
declaring that he accepted his submission. He knew 
that the town, at that juncture, was full of Bacon's 
friends. By pretending that he pardoned Bacon, he 
caused them to go home. After those people had gone 
home, the governor privately issued warrants for appre- 
hending Bacon and his adherents. Bacon being inform- 
ed of those warrants, perhaps by his uncle, fled. The 
house of Mr. Lawrence had been searched for him that 
morning by break of day. 

Three or four days after Bacon's escape, it was re- 
ported that he was at the head of four hundred men 
about twenty miles up the river. The governor ordered 
the militia on both sides of the river to turn out and 


protect the town. They did not come; but in less than 
four days Bacon and his men, horse and foot, entered 
the town at two o'clock, p. m. without opposition and dis- 
armed the inhabitants. The assembly being convened 
before three o'clock, and the governor with his council 
sitting in the court-house, Bacon with a few men advan- 
ced towards the house. The governor met him on the 
green and opening his bosom told him to fire. Bacon re- 
plied, " I will not hurt a hair of your head; we only 
want a commission to go against the Indians which you 
have often promised; but now we will have it." The go- 
vernor and council returned to their chamber; and Bacon 
went to the house of burgesses requiring a commission 
of them, but was told by Mr. Blayton, a member from 
the same county, that commissions could only be gran- 
ted by the governor. 

Next day Bacon received a commission from the 
governor, as general, to command the forces to be raised 
against the Indians. He began immediately to commis- 
sion officers to serve under him. He generally commis- 
sioned gentlemen who held the same rank in the militia. 
The assembly, having finished the war bill, broke up; 
and Bacon, with a considerable body of men, marched 
in quest of the Indian enemy; but the governor imme- 
diately called out the militia of Gloucester and Middle- 
sex, 1200 men, whom he ordered to pursue Bacon as a 
rebel. They refused to march. Bacon hearing of the 


Steps taken by the governor returned. A few people 
under the governor attempted the defence of Jamestown 
by slight field works. Bacon entered the town and burnt 
it; but the governor escaped to the Eastern Shore where 
he was not supported with much zeal; but he commen- 
ced a sort of privateering war against the militia on the 
other side of the bay. Bacon marched again in search 
of hostile Indians; but the weather being warm and the 
season happening to be exceedingly rainy, he was taken 
ill of a dysentery of which he died in Gloucester county 
a few days after his return. The officers who served 
under Bacon having made their peace with the govern- 
or, he returned to his former residence; but he made 
such havoc by courts martial, hanging people who were 
supposed to have been friendly to Bacon, that the assem- 
bly interfered by a petition praying him to stop the 
work of death. 

The body of Bacon," concealed by his friends, eluded 
the governor's search. Lawrence and some other gen- 
tlemen fled from the province, or killed themselves, to 
deprive the governor of that pleasure. Troops were 
sent out the ne'xf year to restore peace; and sir William 
Berkeley sailed for London; but he died without seeing 
the king. It was reported that king Charles, speaking of 
the executions in Virginia, said that the old fool had 
taken away more lives in that naked country than him- 
self had taken for the murder of his father. 


PAGE 87. 


Granted by King Charles II. to the Proprietors of 

CHARLES the Second, by the grace of God, of 
Great Britain, France, and Ireland, king, defender of 
the faith, 8cc. Whereas, by our letters patent, bearing 
date the twenty-fourth day of March, in the fifteenth 
year of our reign, we were graciously pleased to grant 
unto our right trusty and right well beloved cousin and 
counsellor Edward earl of Clarendon, our high chan- 
cellor of England; our right trusty and entirely beloved 
cousin and counsellor George duke of Albemarle, mas- 
ter of our horse; our right trusty and well beloved Wil- 
liam now earl of Craven; our right trusty and well be- 
loved counsellor John lord Berkeley; our right trusty 
and well beloved counsellor Anthony lord Ashley, chan- 
cellor of our exchequer; our right trusty and well 
beloved counsellor sir George Carteret, knight and 
baronet, vice-chancellor of our household; our right 
trusty and well beloved sir John Colleton, knight and 
baronet; and sir William Berkeley, knight; all that pro- 
vince, territory, or tract of ground, called Carolina, situ- 
ate, lying and being within our dominions of America; 


extending from the north end of the island called Luke 
Island, which lieth in the southern Virginia seas, and 
within thirty-six degrees of north latitude; and to the 
west, as far as the south seas, and so respectively as far 
as the river of Matthias, which bordereth upon the coast 
of Florida, and within thirty-one degrees of northern 
latitude; and so west, in a direct line, as far as the south 
seas aforesaid. 

Now know ye, that we, at the humble request of the 
said grantees, in the aforesaid letters patent named, and 
as a further mark of our especial favour to them, we 
are graciously pleased to enlarge our said grant unto 
them, according to the bounds and limits hereafter spe- 
cified, and in favour to the pious and noble purpose of 
the said Edward earl of Clarendon, George duke of 
Albemarle, William earl of Craven, John lord Berkeley, 
Anthony lord Ashley, sir George Carteret, sir John 
Colleton, and sir William Berkeley, their heirs and as- 
signs, all that province, territory, or tract of land, situate, 
lying and being within our dominions of America afore- 
said; extending north and eastward, as far as the north 
end of Currituck river or inlet, upon a straight westerly 
line to Wyonoak creek, which lies within or about the 
degrees of thirty-six, and thirty minutes, northern lati- 
tude; and so west, in a direct line, as far as the south 
seas; and south and westward, as far as the degrees of 
twenty-nine, inclusive, of northern latitude; and so west, 


in a direct line, as far as the south seas; together with 
all and singular the ports, harbors, bays, rivers, and 
inlets, belonging unto the province or territory afore- 
said: and also, all the soils, lands, fields, woods, moun- 
tains, ferms, lakes, rivers, bays, and islets, situate or 
being within the bounds or limits last before mentioned; 
with the fishings of all sorts of fish, whales, sturgeons, 
and all other royal fish, in the sea, bays, islets, and 
rivers, within the premises, and the fish therein taken, 
together with the royalty of the sea upon the coast 
within the limits aforesaid; and moreover all veins, 
mines, and quarries, as well discovered as not discover- 
ed, of gold, silver, gems, and precious stones, metal, or 
any other thing, found, or to be found, within the pro- 
vince, territory, islets, and limits aforesaid: and further- 
more, the patronage and advowsons of all the churches 
and chapels, which, as christian religion shall increase 
within the province, territory, isles, and limits aforesaid, 
shall happen hereafter to be erected; together with li- 
cense and power to build and found churches, chapels, 
and oratories, in convenient and fit places, within the 
said bounds and limits; and to cause them to be dedicated 
and consecrated, according to the ecclesiastical laws of 
our kingdom of England; together with all and singular 
the like and as ample rights, jurisdictions, privileges, 
prerogatives, royalties, liberties, immunities, and fran- 
chises, of what kind soever, within the territory, isles, 
islets, and limits aforesaid: to have, hold, use, exercise,, 


and enjoy the same, as amply, fully, and in as ample 
manner, as any bishop of Durham, in our kingdom of 
England, ever heretofore, had, held, used, or enjoyed, 
or of right ought or could have, use, or enjoy: and them 
the said Edward earl of Clarendon, George duke of Al- 
bemarle, William earl of Craven, John lord Berkeley, 
Anthony lord Ashley, sir George Carteret, sir John 
Colleton, and sir William Berkeley, their heirs and as- 
signs, we do, by these presents, for us, our heirs and 
successors, make, create, and constitute, the true and 
absolute lords and proprietors of the said province or 
territory, and of all other the premises; saving always 
the faith, allegiance, and sovereign dominion, due to us, 
our heirs and successors, for the same: to hold, possess, 
and enjoy the said province, territory, islets, and all and 
singular other the premises, to them the said Edward 
earl of Clarendon, George duke of Albemarle, William 
earl of Craven, John lord Berkeley, Anthony lord Ash- 
ley, sir George Carteret, sir John Colleton, and sir Wil- 
liam Berkeley, their heirs and assigns for ever; to be 
holden of us, our heirs and successors, as of our manor of 
East Greenwich, in Kent, in free and common soccage, 
and not in capite, or by knight's service: yielding and pay- 
ing, yearly, to us, our heirs and successors, for the same, 
the fourth part of all gold and silver ore, which, within 
the limits hereby granted, shall, from time to time, 
happen to be found, over and besides the yearly rent of 
twenty marks, and the fourth part of the gold and silver 
Vol. I. 2 G 


ore, in and by the said written letters patent reserved 
and payable. 

And that the province or territory hereby granted and 
described, may be dignified with as large tithes and pri- 
vileges, as any other parts of our dominions and terri- 
tories in that region; know ye, that we, of our further 
grace, certain knowledge, and mere motion, have 
thought lit to annex the same tract of ground or terri- 
tory unto the same province of Carolina; and out of the 
fulness of our royal power and prerogative, we do, for 
us, our heirs and successors, annex and unite the same 
to the said province of Carolina. 

And forasmuch as we have made and ordained the 
aforesaid Edward earl of Clarendon, George duke of 
Albemarle, William earl of Craven, John lord Berke- 
ley, Anthony lord Ashley, sir George Carteret, sir John 
Colleton, and sir William Berkeley, their heirs and as- 
signs, the true lords and propiietors of all the province 
or territory aforesaid; know ye therefore moreover, that 
we, reposing especial trust and confidence in their, 
fidelity, wisdom, justice, and provident circumspection, 
for us, our heirs and successors, do grant full and abso- 
lute power, by virtue of these presents, to them the 
said Edward earl of Clarendon, George duke of Albe- 
marle, William earl of Craven, John lord Berkeley, 
Anthony lord Ashley, sir George Carteret, sir John 


Colleton, and sir William Berkeley, their heirs and as- 
signs, for the good and happy government of the said 
whole province or territory, full power and authority, to 
erect, constitute, and make several counties, baronies, 
and colonies, of and within the said provinces, territories, 
lands, and hereditaments, in and by the said letters 
patents, granted, or mentioned to be granted, as afore- 
said, with several and distinct jurisdictions, powers, 
liberties, and privileges: and also, to ordain, make, and 
enact, and, under their seals, to publish any laws and 
constitutions whatsoever, either appertaining to the 
public state of the whole province or territory, or of any 
distinct or particular county, barony, or colony, or of 
or within the same, or to the private utility of particu- 
lar persons, according to their best directions, by and 
with the advice, assent, and approbation, of the freemen 
of the said province or territory, or of the freemen of 
the county, barony, or colony, for which such law ov 
constitution shall be made, or the greater part of them, 
or of their delegates or deputies, whom, for enact- 
ing of the said laws, when, and as often as need shall 
require, we will, that the said Edward earl of Clarendon, 
George duke of Albemarle, William earl of Craven, 
John lord Berkeley, Anthony lord Ashley, sir George 
Carteret, sir John Colleton, and sir William Berkeley, 
and their heirs or assigns, shall, from time to time, as- 
semble, in such manner and form as to them shall seem 
best; and the same laws duly to execute, upon all peo- 


pie within the said province or territory, county, baro- 
ny, or colony, or the limits thereof, for the time being, 
which shall be constituted, under the power, and go- 
vernment of them or any of them, either sailing towards 
the said province, or territory of Carolina, or returning 
from thence towards England, or any other of our, or 
foreign dominions, by imposition of penalties, imprison- 
ment, or any other punishment; yea, if it shall be need- 
ful, and the quality of the offence require it, by taking 
away member and life, either by them the said Edward 
earl of Clarendon, George duke of Albemarle, William 
earl of Craven, John lord Berkeley, Anthony lord Ash- 
ley, sir George Carteret, sir John Colleton, and sir 
William Berkeley, and their heirs, or by them, or their 
deputies, lieutenants, judges, justices, magistrates, or 
officers, whatsoever, as well within the said province, 
as at sea, in such manner and form as unto the said 
Edward earl of Clarendon, George duke of Albemarle, 
William earl of Craven, John lord Berkeley, Anthony 
lord Ashley, sir George Carteret, sir John Colleton, and 
sir William Berkeley, and their heirs, shall seem most 
convenient: and also, to remit, release, pardon, and 
abolish, whether before judgment or after, all crimes 
aiad offences whatsoever, against the said laws; and to 
do all and every thing and things, which, unto the com- 
plete establishment of justice, unto courts, sessions, and 
forms of judicature, and manners of proceeding therein, 
do belong, although in these presents, express mention 


is not made thereof; and by judges to him or them dele- 
gated, to award process, hold pleas, and determine, in 
all the said courts and places of judicature, all actions, 
suits, and causes, whatsoever, as well criminal as civil, 
real, mixt, personal, or of any other kind or nature 
whatsoever: which laws so as aforesaid to be published, 
our pleasure is, and we do enjoin, require, and com- 
mand, shall be absolutely firm and available in law; and 
that all the liege people of us, our heirs and successors, 
within the said province or territory, do observe and 
keep the same inviolably in those parts, so far as they 
concern them, under the pains and penalties therein 
expressed, or to be expressed: Provided nevertheless, 
That the said laws be consonant to reason, and as near 
as may be conveniently, agreeable to the laws and cus- 
toms of this our realm of England. 

And because such assemblies of freeholders cannot 
be so suddenly called as there may be occasion to re- 
quire the same, we do therefore, by these presents, give 
and grant unto the said Edward earl of Clarendon, 
George duke of Albemarle, William earl of Craven, 
John lord Berkeley, Anthony lord Ashley, sir George 
Carteret, sir John Colleton, and sir William Berkeley, 
their heirs and assigns, by themselves, or their magis- 
trates, in that behalf lawfully authorized, full power and 
authority, from time to time, to make and ordain fit and 
wholesome orders and ordinances within the province 
or territory aforesaid, or any county, barony, or pro- 


vince, within the same, to be kept and observed, as well 
for the keeping of the peace, as for the better govern- 
ment of the people there abiding, and to publish the 
same to all to whom it may concern: which ordinances 
we do, by these presents, straitly charge and command 
to be inviolably observed within the same province, 
counties, territories, baronies, and provinces, under the 
penalties therein expressed; so as such ordinances be 
reasonable, and not repugnant or contrary, but, as near 
as may be, agreeable to the laws and statutes of this our 
kingdom of England; and so as the same ordinances do 
not extend to the binding, charging, or taking away the 
right or interest of any person or persons, in their free- 
hold, goods, or chattels, whatsoever. 

And to the end the said province or territory may be 
the more happily increased, by the multitude of people 
resorting thither, and may likewise be the more strongly 
defended from the incursions of savages, and other ene- 
mies, pirates, and robbers; therefore, we, for us, our 
heirs and successors, do give and grant, by these pre- 
sents, full power, license, and liberty, unto all the liege 
people of us, our heirs and successors, in our kingdom 
of England, and elsewhere, within any other our domin- 
ions, islands, colonies, or plantations, (excepting those 
who shall be especially forbidden) to transport them- 
selves and families into the said province or territory, 
with convenient shipping and fitting provision; and there 


tp settle themselves, dwell, and inhabit: any law, act, 
statute, ordinance, or other thing, to the contrary, not- 

And we will also, and of our especial grace, for us, 
our heirs and successors, do straitly enjoin, ordain, con- 
stitute, and command, that the said province and terri- 
tory shall be of our allegiance; and that all and singular 
the subjects and liege people of us, our heirs and suc- 
cessors, transported, or to be transported into the said 
province, and the children of them, and such as shall 
descend from them there born, or hereafter to be born, 
be, and shall be denizens and lieges of us, our heirs 
and successors, of this our kingdom of England, and be, 
in all things, held, treated, and reputed, as the liege 
faithful people of us, our heirs and successors, born 
within this our said kingdom, or any other of our do- 
minions; and may inherit or otherwise purchase and 
receive, take, hold, buy and possess, any lands, tene- 
ments, or hereditaments, within the said places, and 
them may occupy and enjoy, sell, alien, and bequeath; 
as likewise, all liberties, franchises, and privileges, of 
this our kingdom, and of other our dominions aforesaid, 
may freely and quietly have, possess, and enjoy, as our 
liege people, born within the same, without the moles- 
tation, vexation, trouble, or grievance, of us, our heirs 
and successors: any act, statute, ordinance, or provision, 
to the contrary, notwithstanding. 


And furthermore, that our subjects of this our said 
kingdom of England, and other our dominions, may be 
the rather encouraged to undertake this expedition, 
with ready and cheerful means; know ye, that we, of our 
especial grace, certain knowledge, and mere motion, do 
give and grant, by virtue of these presents, as well to 
the said Edward earl of Clarendon, George duke of Al- 
bemarle, William earl of Craven, John lord Berkeley, 
Anthony lord Ashley, sir George Carteret, sir John 
Colleton, and sir William Berkeley, and their heirs, as 
unto all others as shall, from time to time, repair unto 
the said province or territory, with a purpose to inhabit 
there, or to trade with the natives thereof; full liberty 
and license, to lade and freight, in every port whatso- 
ever, of us, our heirs and successors, and into the said 
province of Carolina, by them, their servants and assigns, 
to transport all and singular their goods, wares, and 
merchandises; as likewise, all sorts of grain whatsoever, 
and any other thing whatsoever, necessary for their food 
and clothing, not prohibited by the laws and statutes of 
our kingdom and dominions, to be carried out of the 
same, without any let or molestation of us, our heirs 
and successors, or of any other our officers or ministers 
whatsoever; saving also unto us, our heirs and succes- 
sors, the customs, and other duties and payments, due 
.for the said wares and merchandises, according to the 
several rates of the places from whence the same .shall 
be transported. 


We will also, and by these, presents, for us, our heirs 
and successors, do give and grant license, by this our 
charter, unto the said Edward earl of Clarendon, George 
duke of Albemarle, William earl of Craven, John lord 
Berkeley, Anthony lord Ashley, sir George Carteret, 
sir John Colleton, and sir William Berkeley, and their 
heirs and assigns, and to all the inhabitants and dwellers 
in the province or territory aforesaid, both present and 
to come, full power and absolute authority, to import or 
unlade, by themselves or their servants, factors, or as- 
signs, all merchandises and goods whatsoever that shall 
arise of the fruits and commodities of the said province 
or territory, either by land or sea, into any the ports of 
us, our heirs and successors, in our kingdom of Eng- 
land, Scotland, or Ireland, or otherwise to dispose of the 
said goods in the said ports; and, if need be, within one- 
year next after the unlading, to lade the said merchan- 
dises and goods again into the same or other ships; and 
to export the same into any other countries, either of 
our dominions or foreign, being in amity With us, our 
heirs and successors, so as they pay such customs, sub- 
sidies, and other duties, for the same, to us, our heirs 
and successors, as the rest of our subjects of this our 
kingdom, for the time being, shall be bound to pay; be- 
yond which, we will not, that the inhabitants of the said 
province or territory, shall be any ways charged: Pro- 
vided nevertheless, and our will and pleasure is, and we 
have further, for the considerations aforesaid, of our 

Vol. I. 2 H 


special grace, certain knowledge, and mere motion, 
given and granted, and by these presents, for us, our 
heirs and successors, do give and grant unto the said 
Edward earl of Clarendon, George duke of Albemarle, 
William earl of Craven, John lord Berkeley, Anthony 
lord Ashley, sir George Carteret, sir John Colleton, and 
sir William Berkeley, their heirs and assigns, full and 
free license, power, and authority, at any time or times, 
from and after the feast of St. Michael the archangel, 
which shall be in the year of our Lord Christ one thou- 
sand six hundred and sixty-seven, as well to import and 
bring into any of our dominions, from the said province 
of Carolina, or any part thereof, the several goods here- 
in after mentioned; that is to say, silks, wines, raisins, 
capers, wax, almonds, oil, and olives, without paying or 
answering to us, our heirs and successors, any custom, 
impost, or other duty, for or in respect thereof, for and 
during the term and space of seven years, to commence 
and be accounted from and after the importation of four 
tons of any of the said goods, in any one bottom, ship, or 
vessel, from the said province or territory, into any of 
our dominions; as also, to export, and carry out of any of 
our dominions, into the said province or territory, cus- 
tom free, all sorts of tools which shall be useful or ne- 
cessary for the planters there, in the accommodation 
and improvement of the premises: any thing before in 
these presents contained, or any law, act ? statute, pro- 
hibition, or other matter or thing, heretofore had, made, 
.enacted, or provided, in anywise, notwithstanding. 


And further more, of our more ample and especial 
grace, certain knowledge, and mere motion, we do, for 
us, our heirs and successors, grant unto the said Ed- 
ward earl of Clarendon, George duke of Albemarle, 
William earl of Craven, John lord Berkeley, Anthony 
lord Ashley, sir George Carteret, sir John Colleton, and 
sir William Berkeley, their heirs and assigns, full and 
absolute power and authority, to make, erect, and con- 
stitute, within the said province or territory, and the 
isles and islets aforesaid, such and so many sea ports, 
harbors, creeks, and other places, for discharge and 
unlading of goods and merchandises, out of ships, boats, 
and other vessels, and for lading of them, in such and 
so many places, with such jurisdictions, privileges, and 
franchises, unto the said ports belonging, as to them 
shall seem most expedient; and that all and singular the 
ships, boats, and other vessels, which shall come for 
merchandises and trade into the said province or terri- 
tory, or shall depart out of the same, shall be laden and 
unladen at such ports only as shall be erected and con- 
stituted by the said Edward earl of Clarendon, George 
duke of Albemarle, William earl of Craven, John lord 
Berkeley, Anthony lord Ashley, sir George Carteret, 
sir John Colleton, and sir William Berkeley, their heirs 
and assigns, and not elsewhere: any use, custom, or 
thing, to the contrary, notwithstanding. 

And we do further will, appoint, and ordain, and by 
these presents, for us, our heirs and successors, do grant 


unto the said Edward earl of Clarendon, George duke 
of Albemarle, William earl of Craven, John lord Berke- 
ley, Anthony lord Ashley, sir George Carteret, sir John 
Colleton, and sir William Berkeley, and their heirs and 
assigns, that they the said Edward earl of Clarendon, 
George duke of Albemarle, William earl of Craven, 
John lord Berkeley, Anthony lord Ashley, sir George 
Carteret, sir John Colleton, and sir William Berkeley, 
their heirs and assigns, may, from time to time, for ever, 
have and enjoy the customs and subsidies, in the ports, 
harbors, creeks, and other places within the province 
aforesaid, payable for the goods, wares, and merchan- 
dises there laded, or to be laded or unladed; the said 
customs to be reasonably assessed, upon any occasion, 
by themselves, and by and with the consent of the free 
people, or the greater part of them, as aforesaid; to 
whom we give power, by these presents, for us, our 
heirs and successors, upon just cause, and in due pro- 
portion, to assess and impose the same: 

And further, of our especial grace, certain knowledge, 
and mere motion, we have given, granted, and confirm- 
ed, and by these presents, for us, our heirs and succes- 
sors, do give, grant, and confirm, unto the said Edward 
earl of Clarendon, George duke of Albemarle, William 
earl of Craven, John lord Berkeley, Anthony lord Ash- 
ley, sir George Carteret, sir John Colleton, and sir Wil- 
Uam Berkeley, their heirs and assigns, fuft and absolute 


power, license, and authority, that they the said Edward 
earl of Clarendon, George duke of Albemarle, William 
earl of Craven, John lord Berkeley, Anthony lord Ashley, 
sir George Carteret, sir John Colleton, and sir William 
Berkeley, their heirs and assigns, from time to time 
hereafter, for ever, at his and their will and pleasure, 
may assign, alien, grant, demise, or enfeoff, the pre- 
mises, or any part or parcel thereof, to him or them 
that shall be willing to purchase the same, and to such 
person and persons as they shall think fit; to have and 
to hold to them, the said person or persons, their heirs 
and assigns, in fee-simple, or in fee-tail, or for term of 
life or lives, or yearsj to be held of them the said Ed- 
ward earl of Clarendon, George duke of Albemarle, 
William earl of Craven, John lord Berkeley, Anthony 
lord Ashley, sir George Carteret, sir John Colleton, and 
sir William Berkeley, their heir« and assigns, by such 
rents, services, and customs, as shall seem fit to them 
the said Edward earl of Clarendon^ George duke of 
Albemarle, William earl of Craven, John lord Berkeley, 
Anthony lord Ashley, sir George Carteret, sir John 
Colleton, and sir William Berkeley, their heirs and as- 
signs, and not of us, our heirs and successors: and to the 
same person and persons, and to all and every of them, 
we do give and grant, by these presents, for' us, our 
heirs and successors, license, authority, and power, that 
such person or persons may have and take the premises, 
or any part thereof, of the said Edward earl of Claren- 


don, George duke of Albemarle, William earl of Craven, 
John lord Berkeley, Anthony lord Ashley, sir George 
Carteret, sir John Colleton, and sir William Berkeley, 
their heirs and assigns; and the same to hold to them- 
selves, their heirs and assigns, in what estate of inherit- 
ance soever, in fee-simple, or fee-tail, or otherwise, as to 
them the said Edward earl of Clarendon, George duke 
of Albemarle, William earl of Craven, John lord Berke- 
ley, Anthony lord Ashley, sir George Carteret, sir John 
Colleton, and sir William Berkeley, their heirs or as- 
signs, shall seem expedient; the statute in the parlia- 
ment of Edward, son of king Henry, heretofore king of 
England, our predecessor, commonly called the statute 
of quia emfitores terrar, or any other statute, act, ordi- 
nance, use, law, custom, or any other matter, cause, or 
thing, heretofore published or provided to the contrary, 
in anywise, notwithstanding. 

And because many persons, born and inhabiting in 
the said province, for their deserts and services, may 
expect and be capable of mai'ks of honor and favor, 
which, in respect of the great distance, cannot be con- 
veniently conferred by us; our will and pleasure there- 
fore is, and we do by these presents, give and grant 
unto the said Edward earl of Clarendon, George duke 
of Albemarle, William earl of Craven, John lord Berke- 
ley, Anthony lord Ashley, sir George Carteret, sir John 
Colleton, and sir William Berkeley, and their heirs and 


assigns, full power and authority, to give and confer 
unto and upon such of the inhabitants of the said pro- 
vince or territory, as they shall think do or shall merit 
the same, such marks of favor and titles of honor, as 
they shall think fit; so as their titles or honors be not 
the same as are enjoyed by or conferred upon any of the 
subjects of this our kingdom of England. 

And further also, we do, by these presents, for us, 
our heirs and successors, give and grant license, to the 
said Edward earl of Clarendon", George duke of Albe- 
marle, William earl of Craven, John lord Berkeley, 
Anthony lord Ashley, sir George Carteret, sir John 
Colleton, and sir William Berkeley, and their heirs and 
assigns, full power, liberty, and license, to erect, raise, 
and build, within the said province and places aforesaid, 
or any pajt or parts thereof, such and so many forts, 
fortresses, castles, cities, boroughs, towns, villages, and 
other fortifications whatsoever; and the same, or any of 
them, to fortify and furnish with ordnande, powder, 
shot, armor, and all other weapons, ammunition, and 
habiliments of war, both defensive and offensive, as shall 
be thought fit and convenient, for the safety and welfare 
of the said province and places, or any part thereof; and 
the same, or any of them, from time to time, as occa- 
sion shall require, to dismantle, disfurnish, demolish, 
and pull down: and also to place, constitute, and appoint, 
in or over all or any of the said castles, forts fortifica- 


tions, cities, towns, and places aforesaid, governors, de- 
puty governors, magistrates, sheriffs, and other officers, 
civil and military, as to them shall seem meet: and to 
the said cities, boroughs, towns, villages, or any other 
place or places, within the said province, or territory, 
to grant letters or charters of incorporation, with all 
liberties, franchises, and privileges, requisite or usual, 
or to or within this our kingdom of England granted or 
belonging; and in the same cities, boroughs, towns, and 
other places, to constitute, erect and appoint such and 
so many markets, marts, and fairs, as shall, in that be- 
half, be thought fit and necessary: and further also, to 
erect and make in the province or territory aforesaid, 
or any part thereof, so many manors, with such signio- 
ries as to them shall seem meet and convenient; and in 
eveiy of the same manors to have and to hold a court 
baron, with all things whatsoever which to a court baron 
do belong; and to have and to hold views of frank pledge 
and court leets, for the conservation of the peace and 
better government of those parts, with such limits, 
jurisdictions and precincts, as by the said Edward earl 
of Clarendon, George duke of Albemarle, William earl 
of Craven, John lord Berkeley, Anthony lord Ashley,, 
sir George Carteret, sir John Colleton, and sir William 
Berkeley, or their heirs, shall be appointed for that pur- 
pose, with all things whatsoever which to a court leet, 
or view of frank pledge, do belong; the same courts to 
be holden by stewards, to be deputed and authorized by 


the said Edward earl of Clarendon, George duke of Al- 
bemarle, William earl of Craven, John lord Berkeley, 
Anthony lord Ashley, sir George Carteret, sir John Col- 
leton, and sir William Berkeley, or their heirs, by the 
lords of the manors and leets, for the time being, when 
the same shall be erected. 

And because that in so remote a country, and situate 
among so many barbarous nations, the invasions of 
savages and other enemies, pirates, and robbers, may 
probably be feared; therefore, we have given, and for us, 
our heirs and successors, do give power, by these pre- 
sents, unto the said Edward earl of Clarendon, George 
duke of Albemarle, William earl of Craven, John lord 
Berkeley, Anthony lord Ashley, sir George Carteret, 
sir John Colleton, and sir William Berkeley, their heirs 
or assigns, by themselves, or their captains, or other 
officers, to levy, muster, and train up all sorts of men, of 
what condition soever, or wheresoever born, whether in 
the said province, or elsewhere, for the time being; and 
to make war, and pursue the enemies aforesaid, as well 
by sea, as by land; yea, even without the limits of the 
said province, and, by God's assistance, to vanquish, and 
take them; and being taken, to put them to death, by 
the law of war, and to save them at their pleasure, and 
to do all and every other thing, which to the charge 

Vol. I. 21 


and office of a captain general of an army, hath had 
the same. 

Also, our will and pleasure is, and by this our charter, 
we do give and grant unto the said Edward earl of Cla- 
rendon, George duke of Albemarle, William earl of 
Craven, John lord Berkeley, Anthony lord Ashley, sir 
George Carteret, sir John Colleton, and sir William 
Berkeley, their heirs and assigns, full power, liberty, 
and authority, in case of rebellion, tumult, or sedition, 
(if any should happen, which God forbid) either upon 
the land within the province aforesaid, or upon the 
main sea, in making a voyage thither, or returning from 
thence, by him and themselves, their captains, deputies, 
or officers, to be authorized under his or their seals, for 
that purpose; to whom also, for us, our heirs and suc- 
cessors, we do give and grant, by these presents, full 
power and authority, to exercise martial law against any 
mutinous and seditious persons of these parts; such as 
shall refuse to submit themselves to their government, 
or shall refuse to serve in the war, or shall fly to the 
enemy, or forsake their colors or ensigns, or be loi- 
terers, or stragglers, or otherwise offending against law, 
custom, or military discipline; as freely and in as ample 
manner and form, as any captain general of an army, 
by virtue of his office, might or hath accustomed to use 
the same. 


And our further pleasure is, and by these presents, 
for us, our heirs and successors, we do grant unto the 
said Edward earl of Clarendon, George duke of Albe- 
marle, William earl of Craven, John lord Berkeley, 
Anthony lord Ashley, sir George Carteret, sir John 
Colleton, and sir William Berkeley, their heirs and as- 
signs, and to the tenants. and inhabitants of the said pro- 
vince or territory, both present and to come, and to 
every of them, that the said province or territory, and 
the tenants and inhabitants thereof, shall not, from 
henceforth, be held or reputed any member or part of 
any colony whatsoever in America, or elsewhere, now 
transported or made, or hereafter to be transported or 
made; nor shall be depending on, or subject to their 
government in any thing, but be absolutely separated 
and divided from the same; and our pleasure is, by these 
presents, that they be separated, and that they be sub- 
ject immediately to our crown of England, as depend- 
ing thereof, for ever: and that the inhabitants of the said 
province or territory, nor any of them, shall, at any time 
hereafter, be compelled, or compellable, or be any way 
subject or liable to appear or answer to any matter, suit, 
cause or plaint whatsoever, out of the province or terri- 
tory aforesaid, in any other of our islands, colonies, or 
dominions in America, or elsewhere, other than in our 
realm of England, and dominion of Wales. 


And because it may happen that some of the people 
and inhabitants of the said province, cannot, in their 
private opinions, conform to the public exercise of re- 
ligion, according to the liturgy, forms, and ceremonies 
of the church of England, or take and subscribe the 
oaths and articles made and established in that behalf; 
and for that the same, by reason of the remote dis- 
tances of those places, will, as we hope, be no breach of 
the unity and conformity established in this nation; our 
will and pleasure therefore is, and we do, by these pre- 
sents, for us, our heirs and successors, give and grant 
unto the said Edward earl of Clarendon, George duke 
of Albemarle, William earl of Craven, John lord Berke- 
ley, Anthony lord Ashley, sir George Carteret, sir John 
Colleton, and sir William Berkeley, their heirs and as- 
signs, full and free license, liberty, and authority, by 
such ways and means as they shall think fit, to give and 
grant unto such person and persons, inhabiting and be- 
ing within the said province or territory, hereby, or by 
the said recited letters patents mentioned to be granted 
as aforesaid, or any part thereof, such indulgences and 
dispensations, in that behalf, for and during such time 
and times, and with such limitations and restrictions, as 
they the said Edward earl of Clarendon, George duke 
of Albemarle, William earl of Craven, John lord Berke- 
ley, Anthony lord Ashley, sir George Carteret, sir John 
Colleton, and sir William Berkeley, their heirs or as- 
signs, shall, in their discretion, think fit and reasonable: 


And that no person or persons unto whom such liberty 
shall be given, shall be any way molested, punished, 
disquieted, or called in question, for any differences in 
opinion, or practice in matters of religious concernments, 
who do not actually disturb the civil peace of the pro- 
vince, county or colony, that they shall make their abode 
in: But all and every such person and persons may, from 
time to time, and at all times, freely and quietly have 
and enjoy his and their judgments and consciences, in 
matters of religion, throughout all the said province or 
colony, they behaving themselves peaceably, and not 
using this liberty to licentiousness, nor to the civil in- 
jury, or outward disturbance of others: Any law, statute, 
or clause, contained or to be contained, usage or custom, 
of our realm of England, to the contrary hereof, in any- 
wise, notwithstanding. 

And in case it shall happen, that any doubts or ques- 
tions shall arise, concerning the true sense and under- 
standing of any word, clause, or sentence contained in 
this our present charter; we will, ordain, and command, 
that in all times, and in all things, such interpretations 
be made thereof, and allowed in all and fevery of our 
courts whatsoever, as lawfully may be adjudged most 
advantageous and favorable to the said Edward earl of 
Clarendon, George duke of Albemarle, William earl of 
Craven, John lord Berkeley, Anthony lord Ashley, sir 


George Carteret, sir John Colleton, and sir William 
Berkeley, their heirs and assigns, although express 
mention, &c. 

Witness ourself, at Westminster, the thirtieth day of 
June, in the seventeenth year of our reign. 

Per ijisum regem. 


PAGE 92. 

From the proprietors of Carolina to Sir William Berkeley ', 

SIR, Cockpit, 8th September, 1663. 

Since you left us, we have endeavored to procure, 
and have at length obtained his majesty's charter for the 
province of Carolina. A copy of which we herewith 
send you. Since the sealing whereof, there hath started 
a title under a patent gr»ted, the fifth year of king 
Charles the first, to sir Robert Heath, under which there 
hath been a claim by the duke of Norfolk's agent, and 
another by sir Richard Greenfield's heirs; but all those 
that shall plant, notwithstanding that patent, are, by an 
act of the king and council secured, and that patent by 
king and council made null and ordered to be made so 
by the king's attorney in the courts of law; a copy of 
which order we herewith send you, so that no person 
need scruple planting under our patent. Besides we 
have many more advantages than is in the other to en-, 
courage the undertakers. We are informed that there 
are some people settled on the northeast part of the 
river Chowan, and that others have inclinations to plant 
there, as also on the larboard side entering of the same 
river; so that we hold it convenient that a government 
be forthwith appointed for the colony; and for that end 


we have by captain Whittey, sent you a power to con- 
stitute one or two governors and councils and other 
officers, unto which power we refer ourselves, we having 
only reserved the nomination of a surveyor and a secre- 
tary as officers that will be fit to take care of your and 
our interests; the one by faithfully laying out the lands, 
the other by justly recording the same. We do likewise 
send you proposals to all that will plant, which we pre- 
pared upon receipt of a paper from persons that desired 
to settle near Cape Fear, in which our considerations are 
as low as it is possible for us to descend. This was not 
intended for your meridian, where we hope to find more 
facile people who by your interest may settle upon bet- 
ter terms for us, which we leave to your management, 
with our opinion that you grant as much as is possible 
rather than deter any from planting there. By our in- 
structions aad proposals you will see what proportions 
of land we intend for each master and servant, and in 
what manner to be allowed; but we understand that the 
people that are there have bought great tracts of land 
from the Indians, which if they shall enjoy will weaken 
the plantation: first, because those persons will probably 
keep all those lands to themselves, and so make the 
neighborhood of others remote from their assistance in 
case of danger; secondly, if any new-comers would settle 
near their habitations they will not peradventure admit 
1 it without purchasing, and possibly upon hard terms, 
which will discourage people from planting: Wherefore 


it is our resolution and desire that you persuade or com- 
pel those persons to be satisfied with such portions as 
we allot to others, which will be more than any such 
number of men, to and for whom these proportions are 
to be given, can manage, and therefore enough. More 
will but scatter the people and render them liable to be 
easily destroyed by an enemy; so that the fixing the way 
that our instructions mention will be the best course of 
settling as we conceive. However we do leave it to 
you that are on the place and can best judge. 

The reason of giving you power to settle two gover- 
nors, that is, of either side of the river; one is, because 
some persons that are for liberty of conscience may de- 
sire a governor of their own proposing, which those on 
the other side of the river may not so well like. Our de- 
sire being to encourage those people to plant abroad, and 
to stock well those parts with planters, incite us to comply 
always with all sorts of persons as far as possibly we can. 
You will be the best able to judge when you hear all 
parties, and therefore refer the thing wholly to you. The 
entrance into Chowan river is difficult and water but for 
small vessels: But we understand that there is an en- 
trance bold and deep water in the latitude thirty-four, 
which is near the rivers called Neus and Pamlico, which 
we conceive may be best discovered from your parts. In 
order to which we desire you to procure at freight or 
otherwise some small vessel that draws little water, to 

Vol. I. 2 K 


make that discovery and some others into the sound 
through which great ships may peradventure come to 
Chowan, and give us admittance into other brave rivers 
that lie in the sound. And whilst they are abroad they 
may look into Charles river a very little to the south- 
ward of Cape Fear, and give us an account of what is 
there. This work we hold necessary to be done that the 
king may see we sleep not with his grant, but are pro- 
moting his service and his subjects' profit. By captain 
Whittey's relation you may easily pass by land and 
river from your government to Chowan river, and ride 
but twenty-five miles by land, which makes us presume 
earnestly to entreat you to make a journey thither, 
whereby you may upon your own knowledge give us 
your opinion of it, and direct such discoveries to be 
made by that river as you shall see fit. 

We remain, Sec 


PAGE 102. 


George duke of Albemarle, master of his majesty* 8 horse; 
Edward earl of Clarendon; William earl of Craven; 
John lord Berkeley; Anthony lord Ashley, chancel- 
lor of the exchequer; sir George C ARfEREt^vice-cham- 
berlainof his majesty's household; sirWiLLiAM Berke- 
let, knight; and sir John Colleton, baronet; the 
true and absolute lords proprietors of all the province 
of Carolina; 

To our trusty and well beloved Samuel Stevens, esq. governor of 
our county of Albemarle, and the isles and islets within ten 
leagues thereof; and to our trusty and well beloved counsel- 
lors and assistants to our said governor, Greeting: 

WHEREAS we have received a petition from the 
grand assembly of our county of Albemarle, praying, 
that the inhabitants of the said county may hold their 
lands upon the same terms and conditions that the in- 
habitants of Virginia hold theirs; and forasmuch as the 
said county doth border upon Virginia, and is much of 
the same nature, we are content, and do grant, that the in- 
habitants of the said county do hold their lands of us, the 
lords proprietors, upon the same terms and conditions 


that the inhabitants of Virginia hold theirs. Wherefore, 
be it known unto all men, by these presents, that we, the 
said lords and absolute proprietors of the county within 
the province aforesaid, have given, granted, and by these 
presents, do give and grant, full power and authority 
unto you, the said governor, by and with the consent of 
our council, or the major part thereof, or to any gover- 
nor for the time being, or that shall hereafter be by us 
appointed, full power and authority, by and with the con- 
sent of our council then being, or the major part thereof, 
to convey and grant such proportions of land, as, by our 
instructions and concessions, annexed to our commission, 
bearing date in October, Anno Dom. 1667, we have 
appointed, to such persons as shall come into our said 
county to plant or inhabit; to be held of us, our heirs and 
assigns, upon the same terms and conditions, that land 
is at present usually granted in Virginia; any thing in 
our instructions and concessions aforesaid to the con- 
trary, notwithstanding. And we do hereby declare and 
consent, that the warrant to the surveyor for the laying 
out of said land, and the return thereon, being registered, 
and also the grant of you our said governor and council, 
that shall be where such land is due having the seal of 
the country affixed to it, and signed by yourself, and 
major part of our council, for the time being, being 
registered, shall be good and effectual in law, for the 
enjoyment of the said land or plantation, and all the 
benefits and profits of, and in the same, (except one half 


of all gold and silver mines) to the party to whom it is 
granted, his heirs and assigns, for ever, he or they per- 
forming the conditions aforesaid. 

Given under our hands, and great seal of our province, 
the first of May, Anno Dom. 1668. 








PAGE 131. 

Extract of the case of the commotions of Albemarle, pre- 
sented by the proprietors to the committee of foreign 
plantations. Carolina paper. 

" Mr. Cartwright the governor returning to England 
left the government in ill order and worse hands. The 
proprietors resolved to send another governor, and such 
a one as would put in execution their instructions orders 
and designs; the former governors having very much 
failed them, especially in two points. The first was the 
encouraging the New England trade there; the second 
their discouraging the planting on the south side of the 
river Albemarle. The latter was extremely the interest 
of the proprietors; but crossed always by the governors 
and some of the chief of the country, who had engrossed 
the Indian trade and feared that it would be interrupted 
by those that should plant further amongst them. The 
illness of the harbor was the cause that the northern 
part of Carolina had no other vent for their commodities 
but either by Virginia, where they paid a duty to the 
governor, or to New England, who were the only imme- 
diate traders and ventured in small vessels and had so 
managed their affairs that they bought their goods at 


very low rates, eat out and ruined the place, defrauding 
the king of his customs and yet governed the people 
against their own interest. To cure those evils the pro- 
prietors made choice of one Mr. Eastchurch to be their 
governor, whom we despatched in summer 1677 to- 
gether with Mr. Miller, who was the king's officer and 
made by us one of our deputies. They took their pas- 
sage to Nevis, where Mr. Eastchurch meeting with a 
woman of considerable fortune, married her, and sent 
away Mr. Miller to Carolina to settle affairs against his 
coming, who carried with him a commission as president 
of the council till his arrival, with very full powers. He 
was quietly received and submitted to as governor and 

In discharge of the last he made considerable pro- 
gress. But as governor he did many very extravagant 
things, whereby he lost the affections of the people. In 
the mean time there arrived captain Gillam in a small 
armed vessel with G. Durant, and about the same time 
Culpepper, who finding that Miller had lost his interest, 
stirred up a commotion, seized him and all the writings 
belonging to the proprietaries and the tobacco belonging 
to the king's customs, which they employed in support- 
ing their unlawful actions. Culpepper was a very ill 
man, having some time before fled from South Carolina, 
where he was in danger of hanging for endeavoring to 
set the poor people to plunder the rich. Gillam, he, 


Crawford, and some other New England men had a de- 
sign as we conceive to get the trade of this part of the 
country into their own hands, for some years at least; 
and not only defraud the king of all his customs but buy 
goods of the inhabitants at their own rates. When these 
men had formed themselves into what Culpepper calls 
a government of the county, Mr. Eastchurch arrives in 
Virginia, whose commission and authority they had not 
the least reason to dispute, yet they kept him out by force 
of arms, so that he was constrained to apply to the gover- 
nor of Virginia for assistance to reduce them, but he un- 
fortunately died. Presently after the insurgents sent two 
commissioners to promise all obedience to the proprie- 
taries, but insisted very highly for right against Miller." 



Extract of a Representation presented to the Proprieta- 
ries. (Carolina /lafiers.) 

The rebellion of the inhabitants of Albemarle was not 
accidental, or arose from any sudden provocation, but 
rather was the effect of deliberate contrivance, which 
appears from these particulars that can be proved by 
undoubted witnesses. The heads of the rebellion, at 
several times, disturbed the courts of justice; subverting 
the government, dissolving parliament, their industrious 
labour to be popular, by continually making factions and 
parties; their poisoning the people's ears and disquieting 
their minds, by diffusing abroad dangerous and false re- 
ports, namely, that the proprietaries intended to raise 
the quit-rents to two-pence and from that to six-pence 
an acre; their generally arming upon the first appear- 
ance of Gillam's ship in Pasquetank river, and imprison- 
ing the proprietaries' deputies, and putting the president 
in irons; their arrogating to themselves the supreme 
power, by first dissolving, then erecting courts of justice; 
by convening parliaments without writs, and by appoint- 
ing all officers. 

Vol. I. 2 L 


Report of the Lords of the Committee of Plantations. 

May it please your Majesty, 
In obedience to your majesty's order of council of the 
fourth instant, we have heard the complaint of the com- 
missioners of the customs against John Culpepper; and 
being attended by the lords proprietaries of Carolina, we 
are fully satisfied, that the said John Culpepper hath by 
divers seditious practices abetted and encouraged a re- 
bellion in that province, whereby seven of the lawful 
magistrates, deputies of the lords proprietaries, were all 
imprisoned, (the eighth of them only being drawn into 
that confederacy); and that the said John Culpepper, by 
color and force of that rebellious authority, imprisoned 
the collector of your majesty's customs; and having 
seized into his own hands the customs belonging to your 
majesty, did, by a proclamation in his own name, declare 
himself the lawful collector, endamaging your majesty's 
customs to a considerable value. All which being proved 
upon oath before us, the said Culpepper acknowledged 
the facts, and lays himself at your majesty's feet for your 
gracious pardon. And in case your majesty shall not 
think fit to extend your mercy towards him, he desires 
he may be tried in Carolina, where the fact was com- 
mitted. But withal, the commissioners of your majesty's 
customs humbly beseech your majesty that no favor 


may be shown him, unless he make or procure satisfac- 
tion for the customs seized and embezzled by him, which 
we are informed do amount to three thousand pounds 
sterling. All which Sec. 

See. &c. 


PAGE 132. 

Remonstrance of the inhabitants of Pasquetank to all the 
rest of the county of Albemarle. (Carolina fiafier .) 

" First tbe occasion of their seizing the records and im- 
prisoning the president, is, that thereby the country may 
have a free parliament, and that from them their griev- 
ances may be sent home to the lords, which are briefly 
these. In the first place (omitting many heinous matters,) 
he denied a free election of an assembly, and hath posi- 
tively cheated the country of one hundred and thirty 
thousand pounds of tobacco, which hath raised the levy 
to two hundred and fifty pounds of tobacco a head more 
than otherwise it would have been; beside near twenty 
thousand pound of tobacco charge he hath brought upon 
us by his piping guard. And now captain Gillam is come 
among us with three times the goods he brought last 
year, but had not been two hours ashore, but for the slip 
of a word was arrested for one thousand pounds sterling, 
and many affronts and indignities put upon him by the 
president himself; insomuch that had he not been earn- 
estly persuaded by some he had gone directly out of the 
country. And the same night about midnight, he went on 
board with a brace of pistols, and presenting one of them 


cocked at Mr. George Durant's breast, and with his other 
arrested him as a traitor. And many other injurious 
mischiefs and grievances he hath brought upon us, that 
thereby an inevitable ruin is coming, unless prevented, 
which we are now about to do and hope and expect that 
you will join with us therein. And subscribed this third 
December 1677. 

Signed by thirty-four persons. 


PAGE 144. 

Extracted from the docket of the general court of the 
county of Albemarle. 

November twenty-eighth, 1694, at a general court: 
Present Thomas Harvey, deputy governor, &c. 

" A list of tithables being brought in, and being 789, 
the court assessed five shillings per poll on all the tith- 
ables, according to act of assembly,to raise 1 95/. Us. lOrf." 


PAGE 145. 

February 26th, 1694. 
" John Porter, jun. made oath, that at his father's 
house last November, governor Sothel promised Francis 
Tomes, the attorney of Elizabeth Banks, that he would 
account to her, or her brother, for some narrow lace 
and two guineas that he took out of a box entrusted to his 
eare by her brother in London, to be delivered to her in 

K. k. 
PAGE 153. 

The humble address and recognition of thanks by the com- 
monsf assembled in Charlestoivn, to the right honora- 
ble the true and absolute lords proprietors, and to the 
right honorable John Archdale, esq. governor of Caro- 

Right honorable, 
We, the representatives of the freemen of South Ca- 
rolina, being profoundly sensible of your most gracious 
inclinations, condescentions and honors, in commis- 


sionating and investing the right honorable John Arch- 
dale esq. governor, with such large and ample powers, 
for the encouragement of us the inhabitants of this your 
colony, which was so highly conducing to the peopling, 
settling and safety thereof, do most humbly recognise 
and most sincerely and cordially thank your lordship for 
the same, and for the remission of some arrears of rents, 
the undeniable manifestation of your honor's paternal 
care of us, living in this your colony; and we the com- 
mons now assembled, no less sensible of the prudent, 
industrious and indefatigable care and management of 
the said powers by John Archdale esquire, do in most 
humble manner acknowledge the same, and that we 
doubt not but the fruits thereof will be the peace, wel- 
fare and tranquillity, plenty, prosperity and safety, of this 
colony and the people therein. For the acts of grace you 
so seasonably condescended unto, have removed all for- 
mer doubts, jealousies and discouragements of us the 
people; and have laid a firm and sure foundation on 
which may be erected a most glorious superstructure, 
to the honor of the lords proprietors, and you our go- 
vernor; which we do and shall for ever be most heartily 
obliged to own as a production of the wisdom and dis- 
cretion, patience and labor, of the honorable John 
Archdale esq. our governor, of whom we the commons 
request to return this our recognition of thanks to your 
lordships, and we shall humbly pray. 



K. k. 2. 
PAGE 154. 

A clause in the Militia Act. 

" And whereas there be several inhabitants called 
Quakers, who upon a conscientious principle of religion, 
cannot bear arms, and because in all other civil matters 
•hey have been persons obedient to government, and 
ever ready to disburse their moneys in other necessary 
and public duties: Be it therefore enacted, that all such 
whom the present governor John Archdale esq, shall 
judge that they refuse to bear arms on a conscientious 
principle of religion only, shall by a certificate from him 
be excused." 

PAGE 172. 

Extract from governor Sfiotsivood's letters, 28th July 
" I must do justice to Mr. Hyde and the gentlemen 
who act as his council, to represent to your lordships, 
their readiness to submit all matters in dispute to an 
impartial examination, and to yield to any terms that 


were just and honorable; but I found a quite different 
spirit in Mr. Cary and his associates, who would not so 
much as agree to a place where Mr. Hyde might safely 
confer personally; and at last rejected all offers of 

" Mr. Hyde was willing to yield to as many of 

his demands as he had thought fit to communicate." 

PAGE 174. 

Extract from governor Sfiotswood's letters. 

" No man has appeared more active in these commo- 
tions than this Roach, a wretched fellow, who being sent 
in lately with a cargo of goods, belonging to some mer- 
chants in London, no sooner came into the country but 
he declared himself against the government, without 
examining which side was in the wrong, and has been 
all along a principal incendiary; and had it not been for 
his furnishing the mob with trading guns and ammuni- 
tion, belonging to his employers, the commotions would 
never have got to the head they now are arrived at." 

Vol. I. 2 M 


PAGE 176. 

Extract from governor Sfiotswood's letters. 

"Requolan, 31 July, 1711. 
" The marines are returned, after having frighted the 
rebellious party so as to lay down their arms and dis- 

" Upon my arrival at this place I found colonel Gary, 
Levi Truit, &c. blustering and pretending to have taken 
a passage in the fleet for their going for England in 
order to justify their actions. Whereupon I had them 
brought before me, but plainly discovered that they in- 
tended nothing less than a fair trial at your lordships' 
board. Wherefore, seeing they would give me no secu- 
rity for such appearance, I have sent them home in the 
Reserve and TygeT men of war; believing the greatest 
justice I can do them is to leave them to your lordships' 


PAGE 184. 

Articles of agreement, indented and made, published 
and agreed upon, this tenth day of October Anno Domini 
one thousand seven hundred and nine, and in the eighth 
year of the reign of our sovereign lady Anne, by the 
grace of God queen of Great Britain, France and Ireland, 
defender of the faith, between Christopher de Graffen- 
rid of London esquire and Lewis Mitchell of the same 
place esquire of the one part, and sir John Philips bart. 
sir Alexander Cairnes bart. sir Theodore Janson knt. 
White Kennet D. D. and dean of Peterborough, John 
Chamberlain esquire, Frederick Slore doctor of physic, 
and Mr. Micajah Perry merchant, seven of the commis- 
sioners and trustees nominated and appointed by her 
majesty's late gracious letters patent, under the great 
seal of Great Britain, for the collecting, receiving, and 
disposing of the money to be collected for the subsist- 
ence and settlement of the poor Palatines lately arrived 
in Great Britain, on the other part. 

Whereas, the above named Christopher deGraffenrid 
and Lewis Mitchell have purchased to themselves and 
their heirs in fee, and are entitled to a large tract of land 
in that part of her majesty's dominions in America cal- 


led North Carolina, which now lies waste and uncultiva- 
ted for want of inhabitants; and they the said Christopher 
de Graffenrid and Lewis Mitchell have applied them- 
selves to the commissioners appointed by the letters 
patent above mentioned for the" subsistence and settle- 
ment of the poor distressed "Palatines, that some number 
of the said poor Palatines may be disposed of and settled 
in the said tract of land in North Carolina aforesaid, as 
well for the benefit of the said Christopher de Graffenrid 
and Lewis Mitchell as for the relief and support of the 
said poor Palatines. 

And whereas, the said commissioners have thought fit 
to dispose of for this purpose six hundred persons of the 
said Palatines, which may be ninety-two families more or 
less, and have laid out and disposed of to each of the said 
six hundred poor Palatines the sum of twenty shillings in 
clothes, and have likewise paid and secured to be paid 
to the said Christopher de Graffenrid and Lewis Mitchell 
the sum of five pounds ten shillings lawful money of 
Great Britain for each of the said six hundred persons, in 
consideration of and for their transportation into North 
Carolina aforesaid, and for their comfortable settlement 

It is constituted, concluded and agreed, by and with the 
said parties to those presents in manner following: 


In primis, that the said Christopher de Graffenrid and 
Lewis Mitchell, for the consideration aforesaid, at their 
own proper costs and charges shall, within the year 
next after the date hereof, embark or cause to be em- 
barked on ships board, in and upon two several ships, six 
hundred of such of the said poor Palatines as shall be 
directed by the said commissioners, which together may 
in all make up ninety-two families more or less, and cause 
the said persons to be directly transported to North 
Carolina aforesaid, providing them with food and other 
•necessaries during their voyage thither. 

Item, that upon the arrival of the said six hundred 
poor Palatines in North Carolina aforesaid, the said 
Christopher de Graffenrid and Lewis Mitchell shall, 
within three months next afcer their said arrival there, 
survey and set out or cause to be surveyed and set out, 
by metes and bounds, so much of the said tract of land 
above mentioned as shall amount to two hundred and 
fifty acres for each family of the said six hundred poor 
Palatines, be they ninety-two families more or less; and 
that the said several two hundred and fifty acres for each 
family be as contiguous as may be for the more mutual 
love and assistance of the said poor Palatines one to an- 
other, as well with respect to the exercise of their reli- 
gion as the management of their temporal affairs. 

And for avoiding disputes and contentions among the 
said Palatine* in the division of the said several two 


hundred and fifty acres of land, It is agreed, that the said 
land, when so set out by two hundred and fifty acres to a 
family, be divided to each family by lot. 

Item, that the said Christopher de Graffenrid and 
Lewis Mitchell, their heirs executors or administrators, 
within three months next after the arrival of the said 
poor Palatines in North Carolina aforesaid, shall give and 
dispose of unto the said poor Palatines and to each family, 
by lot, two hundred and fifty acres of the tract of land 
above mentioned, and by good assurances in law grant 
and convey the said several two hundred and fifty acres 
to the first and chief person or persons of each family 
their heirs and, assigns for ever: to be held the first five 
years thereafter without any acknowledgment for the 
same, and rendering and paying unto the said Christopher 
de Graffenrid and Lewis Mitchell, their heirs executors 
and administrators, for every acre the sum of two-pence 
lawful money of that country yearly and every year after 
the said term of five years. 

Item, that for and during one whole year after the ar- 
rival of the said poor Palatines in North Carolina afore- 
said, the said Christopher de Graffenrid and Lewis 
Mitchell shall provide, or cause to be provided for, and 
deliver to the said poor Palatines sufficient quantities of 
grain and provision and other things for the comfortable 
support of life; but it is agreed, that the said poor Pala- 


tines respectively shall repay and satisfy the said Chris- 
topher de Graffenrid and Lewis Mitchell, their heirs 
executors and administrators, for the full value of what 
they shall respectively receive on the amount at the end 
of the first year then next after. 

Item, that the said Christopher de Graffenrid and 
Lewis Mitchell, at their own proper costs and charges, 
within four months after their arrival there, shall pro- 
vide for the said Palatines and give and deliver or cause 
to be given or delivered to them, for their use and im- 
provement, two cows and two calves, five sows with their 
several young, two ewe sheep and two lambs, with a 
male of each kind, who maybe able to propagate; that at 
the expiration of seven years thereafter each family shall 
return to the said Christopher de Graffenrid and Lewis 
Mitchell, their heirs or executors, the value of the said 
cattle so delivered to them, with a moiety of the stock 
then remaining in their hands at the expiration of the 
said seven years. 

Item, that immediately after the division of the said two 
hundred anu fifty acres among the families of the said 
Palatines, the said Christopher de Graffenrid and Lewis 
Mitchell shall give and dispose of gratis to each of the 
said Palatines a sufficient number of tools and imple- 
ments for felling of wood and building of houses, &c. 


And lastly, it is covenanted, constituted and agreed, by 
and between all parties to these presents, that these arti- 
cles shall be taken and construed in the most favorable 
sense for the ease comfort and advantage of the said poor 
Palatines intending to settle in the country or province 
of North Carolina; that the said poor Palatines, doing 
and performing what is intended by these presents to be 
done on their parts, shall have and enjoy the benefits and 
advantages hereof without any further or other demand 
of and from the said Christopher de Graffenrid and Lewis 
Mitchell, their heirs executors or administrators or any 
of them; and that in case of difficulty it shall be referred 
to the governor of the county or province of North Caro- 
lina, for the time being, whose order and directions, not 
contrary to the intentions of these presents, shall be 
binding upon the said Christopher de Graffenrid and 
Lewis Mitchell, his heirs executors and administrators, 
as to the said poor Palatines. 

Witness whereof the said parties to these presents 
have interchangeably set their hands and seals the day 
above written. 

John Philips, ( l. s.) 
Alexr. Cairnes, ( l. s. ) 
White Kennet, ( l. s. ) 
John Chamberlain, ( l. s. ) 
Frederick Slore, ( l. s. ) 
Micajah Perry, (l. s. ) 


Sealed and delivered by the within named sir John 
Philips, Alexander Cairnes, White Kennet, John Cham- 
berlain, Frederick Slore, Micajah Perry, having two six 
penny stamps. 

In presence of us 

William Taylor, 

James de Pratt. 

We the within named Christopher de Graffenried and 
Lewis Michell, for ourselves, our heirs, executors and 
administrators, do hereby covenant and agree to and with 
the commissioners and trustees within written, for and 
upon the like consideration mentioned, to take and receive 
fifty other persons in families of the poor Palatines, to be 
disposed of in like manner as the six hundred poor Pala- 
tines within specified, and to have and receive the like 
grants, privileges, benefits and advantages as the said six 
hundred Palatines have, may or ought to have, in every 
article and clause within written, and as if the said fifty 
Palatines had been comprised therein, or the said arti- 
cles, clauses and agreements had been here again parti- 
cularly repeated and recited on to them. 

Witness our hands and seals, this 21st day of Octo- 
ber, A. D. 1709. 

Christopher de Graffenried, 
Lewis Michell. 

Sealed and delivered this agreement, 
in the presence of 

William Taylor, 

James de Pratt. 
Vol. L 2 N 



PAGE 189. 

The Indians in North Carolina in the year 1708, who 
lived near the settlements, or had any intercourse with 
the white inhabitants, were as follows, viz: 

Tuskarora Indians, fensible men, - - - - 1200 
(They lived in fifteen towns.) 

Waccon, (in two towns) - -120 

Maramiskeet, ---------- 30 

Bear River, ------ 50 

Hatteras, ------------ 16 

Neus, (in two towns) -------- 15 

Pamticough, ----------- 15 

Meherring, ----------- 50 

Chowan, ------------ 15 

Paspatank, ----------- 10 

Poteskeet, (Currituck) --*---- 30 

Nottoway, ---. 30 

Connamox, (in two towns) ------ 25 

Jaupim, -------------2 




PAGE 192. 

Extract of a letter from Baron de Graffenried to Edward 
Hyde, Esq. Governor of North Carolina. 

" I have many things to relate to you, but for want of 
time must delay them to a future day. At present I 
shall only inform you of the fate of Mr. Lawson the sur- 
veyor general. We had both taken to my boat on the 
New* River in order to discover what kind of land there 
was further on, and what distance any one might go 
on the strme. To this I had the more readily consented, 
as Mr. Lawson had assured me that the country on this 
side was not inhabited. But when we arrived at Corutra, 
a village about twelve miles by water from the town of 
Coram, with an intention to tarry there all night, we 
met with two Indians, whom presently after a great 
number joined, and who were armed. I told Mr. Law- 
son that I did not like the appearances, and that we 
ought immediately to proceed on, which we accordingly 
did; but no sooner had we arrived at our boat, such a 
number of Indians pressed upon us, that it was impos- 
sible for us to keep them off. They took our arms, pro- 
vision and all we had. There were upwards of sixty In- 

* He must have intended Neus River. 


dians all well armed, who compelled us to travel with 
them all night, and until we arrived at an Indian village, 
a considerable distance from the river, where we were 
delivered up to the king (or chief) of the village or 
town. He called a council, at which one of the Indians 
delivered a long speech with great vehemence, where- 
upon a question was put whether we should be bound, 
which was passed in the negative, and the reason given 
was, because we had not yet been permitted to make 
our defence. The next morning we desired to know 
what they intended to do with us; their answer was that 
the king (or chief) would that evening have a number 
of other kings at an entertainment, who must also be 
present at our examination, after which they would come 
to a decision. In the evening upwards of two hundred 
were collected, from which number about forty got to- 
gether who were considered as chiefs of the people. 
Before these we were examined very strictly concern- 
ing our intention and why we had come hither. Our 
answer was, that we were endeavouring to find out a 
shorter and better road to Virginia, because the other 
road from our settlement was a very bad and difficult 
one, and that for that reason the Indians from thence 
could not as conveniently trade with us. Whereupon 
the Indians complained very much of the conduct of 
the English colonies in Carolina, and particularly named 
Mr. Lawson, charging him with being too severe, and 
that he was the man who sold their land. They also 


said that Mr. Hancock had taken a gun from an Indian, 
and that Mr. Price also dealt too hard with the Indians. 
Nevertheless, they would consent to our being set at 
liberty and that we should return home on the day fol- 
lowing. The next morning we were again examined, 
and we returned the same answer; but one Cor Thorn 
being present, whom Mr. Lawson reprimanded for sun- 
dry things which had happened, gave a very unfavour- 
able turn to oUr affairs. After the council had broke up 
and the major part of the Indians had gone off, Mr. 
Lawson and myself were talking together on indifferent 
subjects, an Indian who understood a little English in- 
formed the remaining Indians that we had spoken very 
disrespectfully of them, which however was totally 
groundless. Whereupon three or four of them fell on 
us in a furious manner, took us by the arms and forced 
us to set down on the ground before the whole of them 
that were then collected. They instantly took off our 
wigs and threw them into the fire and we were at once 
condemned to death. Mr. Lawson indeed was sentenced 
to have his throat cut with his own razor, and I was to 
be put to death in another manner. On the day follow- 
ing we were taken to the great place of execution, where 
we were again tied and compelled to sit on the ground, 
being stripped of our surtouts. Before us a large fire 
was kindled, whilst some of them acted the part of con- 
jurers, and others made a ring around us which they 
strewed with flowers. Behind us lay my innocent negro, 


who was also bound, and in this miserable situation we 
remained that day and the subsequent night. On the 
morning of the next day at which we were to die, a 
large multitude was collected to see the execution. 
Behind us there was an armed party who acted as a 
guard, and around us sat the chiefs in two rows; behind 
them were the common people amounting to upwards 
of three hundred in number, who were jumping and 
dancing like so many devils, and cutting a variety of in- 
fernal and obscene capers. There were also present two 
executioners of wild and terrible aspect and two drum- 
mers. The council again deliberated in order to put an 
end to this dismal tragedy. I recommended my soul to my 
saviour Christ Jesus, and my thoughts were wholly em- 
ployed with death. At length however I recollected my- 
self, and turning to the council or chiefs, asked them, 
whether no mercy could be shown to the innocent, and 
with what propriety they could put to death a king (for 
the Indians call a governor a king) and I was king of 
the Palatines. Thus God in his mercy heard my prayers 
and softened the hard hearts of the savages that they 
after much talk from an honest Indian altered my sen- 
tence of death as will appear from the treaty of peace. 
I was a short time before Mr. Lawson's execution set at 
liberty and afterwards conducted to the house of the In- 
dian who had interested himself and spoken so much in 
my behalf, but my negro also suffered. I remained in 
captivity until the Sunday following when I was brought 


on horseback to Cor. From thence I had to foot it as 
above related. I should be very glad to have some con- 
versation with you on this subject and to consider what 
measures ought to be taken against those people; but 
that must be deferred for the present. I shall however 
write more fully to you on the subject. 

Treaty of peace, October 1711, between baron de 
Grafferiried governor of the Palatines and the Tuscarora 
Indians, together with their neighbors in the town of 

1 . To show friendship towards each other. 

2. In case of war between the English and the In- 
dians, the Palatines to remain neutral. 

3. No land to be taken up from (or by) the baron with- 
out the consent of the Indians. 

4. A cessation of arms between the English and the 
Indians agreed upon for the term of fourteen days. 

5. Assurance of full freedom to hunt in the open 

6. A commercial treaty, so that justice may be done 
the Indians in the trade carried on with them. 

7. As the two following signals are now found no in- 
jury shall be done by the Indians. 

Neus'smark (X) praffenried^overnor of the Pa- 
Tuscaroramark(S) ^ Tuscarora^ Indians and neigh- 



N. B. The seventh article of this treaty is not intelligi- 
ble as the baron wrote it. 

In a subsequent letter to a friend in Germany dated 
fourth January 1712, in which baron Graffenried speaks 
of Indian customs, he says that he remained five weeks 
among the Indians. And the Palatines irt a subsequent 
petition to the king allege that they were called out to 
defend the country by orders from Edenton while their 
trustee, Graffenried, was prisoner among the Indians. 

The remains 

of the Palatine 

emigrants who sig 

that petition were; 






































PAGE 204. 

Extract from the Journals of the Council, 25th June, 

" The president reported to the board, that king 
Blount had brought in eight men of the enemy Indians, 
whom he was willing to ship in his vessel that was 
bound for the West Indies, and account for the price 
at which they might be sold." 

" On which it was resolved, that he might have the 
eight Indians at ten pounds per head, at which price he 
took them." 

Vol. I. 2 O